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Institute for National Revolutionary Studies

Institute for National Revolutionary Studies

Tag Archives: Juan Domingo Perón

Interview with General Perón – La Nation Européenne, No. 30, February 1969 – Conducted in Madrid, November 7th 1968.

28 Wednesday Mar 2018

Posted by emontsalvat in Uncategorized

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1969, Interview with General Perón, Jean Thiriart, Juan Domingo Perón, La Nation Européenne

Juan Domingo Perón was born in Lobos, Argentina, in 1895. A colonel in 1941. He participated in the coup of June 1943. Supported by Argentine workers (the descamisados), he was freed by them on October 17th 1945 after a brief incarceration. He was elected president of the Republic on February 24th 1946.

Advised by Miranda, he expropriated big enterprises, nationalized the central bank, railways, and external commerce. In 1947 a 5 year plan of industrialization was implemented. Perón turned away from the United States and signed important economic agreements with France and England. The Argentine army, instigated by the American secret services, staged a coup in September 1955. They fired cannon against the workers who demonstrated in favor of Perón. Hundreds died. Once Perón left, the bourgeoisie recovered its factories, its bank accounts, its privileges. The local plutocracy, entirely in the hands of the United States, restored colonial capitalism.

For having wanted to laicize the Argentine Republic (institution of divorce in 1954 – separation between Church and State in 1955) Rome used the pretext of the expulsion of the auxiliary bishop of Buenos Aires to excommunicate Perón. An interesting marriage to observe in 1955: the Church and Wall Street against the socialist general. Perón’s socialist theory was named Justicialism.

Jean Thiriart: Juan Perón, firstly, could you speak to us about the work you just published, La Hora de los pueblos?

General Perón: In this book, I wanted to give a complete overview of imperialist influence and domination in Latin America. I think that Latin American countries are on the way towards their liberation. Of course, this liberation will be long and difficult, as it concerns the totality of countries in Latin America. In effect, it is unthinkable that there is a free man in an enslaved country, nor a free country in an enslaved continent. During the ten years of Justicialist government in Argentina, we lived freely in a sovereign nation. Nobody could interfere in our internal affairs without coming into conflict with us. But, in ten years, the international synarchy, that is to say the ensemble of imperialist forces that dominate the world, defeated us. A fifth column, the sepoys as we would call them in reference to India, scientifically carried out an effective undermining job and the regime that I presided over was overthrown. This proves that if peoples can liberate themselves from the imperialist yoke, it is consequently much more difficult for them to preserve their independence, as the international forces I just denounced regain control. In this sense, the failure of Justicialism should be a lesson and an experience, among many others, alas, for all the countries that want to free themselves and remain free.

We must envision the struggle for the liberation of Latin American countries as a global struggle, on the level of the continent. In this struggle, each country is in solidarity with its neighbors, upon which it must find support. The first imperative for these countries is thus to unite, to integrate. The second point is to realize the effective alliance with the third world, as we, my collaborators and myself, have advocated for 25 years! We must point out this way to the South American people; not only the leaders, but also to the popular masses that must be made aware of the necessity of this struggle against imperialism. To unify the continent and free it from external influences, to ally with the third world, such are the first objectives. Consequently, the process of internal liberation can unfold: the people will obtain the government they demand every day and that has unceasingly been refused to them, hence this succession of ephemeral dictatorships and puppet governments put in place thanks to schemes, but never elections, which allows them to keep the people under different forms of domination. This is the process that my book seeks to make the popular masses understand.

Jean Thiriart: Is there, in South America, a social class, a bourgeoisie that systematically collaborates with the United States?

General Perón: Unfortunately yes! In our country, the division between the people and an oligarchy of fortune, of birth, is very sharp, likewise with the people and the new business bourgeoisie that has developed very quickly. A powerful oligarch sleeps in each industrialist enriching himself. This oligarchy dominates the country, but we must not underestimate the breadth of the immense mass’ struggle that demands its freedom. We have initiated this movement, in a certain measure, in the ten years of Justicialist government. Justicialism is a form of socialism, a national socialism, which corresponds to the necessities and conditions of Argentinian life. It is natural for socialism to drive the masses and consequently, in their name, flare up social claims. It created an entirely new system, totally different from the old democratic liberalism that dominated the country and shamelessly put itself in the service of Yankee imperialism.

Jean Thiriart: In Europe, the Americans have corrupted all political tendencies, from the extreme right to the extreme left. There are collaborators, sold to the United States, as much among the socialists as among the Catholics and the liberals. The Americans manage to buy every party. Do you observe the same phenomenon in Latin America?

General Perón: Exactly. The Americans use the same technique everywhere in the world. Firstly, they proceed through economic penetration, through the intermediary of this oligarchy of which I just spoke, who finds substantial interests there … Next, there are more or less direct political pressures, in all political sectors. Thus, if they do not buy them, control them, the Americans try to rupture and divide national political forces. The CIA has mastered the art of organizing provocations. These objectives attained, they then attack military milieus, which they penetrate through different means, of which the most effective is certainly the liberal application of bribery. That’s how they operated in South Vietnam, through the intermediary of a few military advisers whose principal activity was bribing the generals whose moral integrity was already very far from being irreproachable, who didn’t say no to the disbursement of considerable financial advantages (for example, massive allocation of shares in foreign corporations or nominations to the executive management of corporations). These men won over by American imperialism, all that remains for them is to organize a military coup to establish a dictatorship, as is the case in Argentina, as was the case in Brazil, in Ecuador, and recently in Peru and Panama. The method is always the same. In the last stage, once the situation is under control, the Americans then begin to monopolize all the economic wealth of the country, by systematically silencing all political and social opposition forces. Such is the mechanism, in South America, in Asia, in Europe, and elsewhere.

Jean Thiriart: There it’s even stronger. In Europe, the Americans have succeeded in controlling the movements whose official goal is European unification! Thus in Brussels, the pro-European movements in parallel with the common market have been subjected to such infiltration that they now proclaim “we must make Europe with the Americans.” Which is evidently stupid because European unification, as we have shown many times in La Nation européenne, implies the departure of the Americans. But the latter are so clever that they have even taken the European movement in hand to smother it, to make it fail!

But returning to Latin America. Do certain governments try to resist American penetration?

General Perón: Practically not, as we are in a phase of nearly absolute domination. There are, of course, a few governments which are not gangrened by American imperialism, but in the general context submission, they have a paltry and aleatory character, due to isolation, the measures they adopt to face this imperialism fail to rally a true opposition. On the other hand, all the revolutionary opposition movements against imperialism are hunted down, in Argentina particularly. That’s equally true everywhere in the world, because all countries, in general, are more or less dominated, directly or indirectly, through imperialist influence, whether it’s American or Soviet imperialism. Both, basically, agree to share the world amiably.

Jean Thiriart: For you, the liberation of Argentina alone, or Chile alone, seemed fated to fail. According to you, the different liberation movements must be concurrent and operate on the continental scale. Are you a resolute partisan of integration?

General Perón: Yes. Because I believe in a certain historical determinism, The world has always been under the iron rule of an imperialism. Today we have the misfortune to have to fight against two accomplice imperialisms. But the power of imperialism follows a parabolic arc, and once it reaches the highest point on the vertical axis, the summit of the arc, decadence begins. In my opinion, the imperialisms have already entered into the phase of decadence. We have seen that they cannot be overthrown or shaken from the outside, except through the integration of all means of struggle and all concerned forces. But this sacred union is long and hard to realize, which allows the imperialisms to live happily. Yet a danger threatens them: they rot from the inside and this corruption is already very advanced, in North America as in Russia. We must use that to precipitate the process of degradation.

To achieve this, a conflict would be futile no matter how heroic.

I believe that we have arrived in a phase of humanity’s history that will be marked by the decline of the great powers of domination. We’ve reached the end of an evolution of humanity which, since the cavemen until our days, has been made through integration. From the individual to the family, to the tribe, to the city, to the feudal state, to present day nations, we arrive at continental integration. Currently, outside of a few colossi, the USA, Russia, China, a single country doesn’t represent a great force in the future, in a world where Europe will integrate, like America or Asia, small isolated nations can no longer survive. Today, to live with the means of power, we must join a bloc that already exists or is yet to be created. Europe will unify or succumb. The year 2000 will see a Europe unified or dominated. It will be the same for Latin America.

A united Europe would count a population of nearly 500 million inhabitants. The South American continent already counts more than 250 million. Such blocs would be respected and effectively oppose subjugation to imperialism which is the lot of weak and divided countries.

Jean Thiriart: Do you believe that the work of agitation undertaken by Fidel Castro is useful for the Latin American cause?

General Perón: Absolutely. Castro is a promoter of liberation. He has to appeal to one imperialism because the proximity of the other threatens to crush him. But the objective of the Cubans is the liberation of the peoples of Latin America. They have no other intention but to constitute a bridgehead for the liberation of the continental countries. Che Guevara is a symbol of this liberation. He was great because he served a great cause, ending up embodying it. He was the man of an ideal. Many great men are passed over unnoticed because they didn’t have a noble cause to serve. On the other hand, simple, normal men, far from being predestined to such a role, weren’t superhuman, but men who quite simply became great heroes because so they could better serve a noble cause.

Jean Thiriart: Do you have the impression that the Soviets prevent Castro from pursuing important action in Latin America? That they restrain Castro in order to stop him from surpassing a certain level of agitation?

General Perón: Perfectly. The Russians play this role not only in Cuba, but in other countries. Thus, Guevara, after having accomplished his mission in Cuba, left for Africa to enter into contact with the African communist movement. But the leaders of this movement had received the order to impede Guevara. Guevara had to leave Africa because the Russians were at work there: a conflict pitted the Congo against two concurrent imperialisms. The two opposed tendencies that they represent can, at certain moments, unite their forces to defend the same cause: that of the established order. It’s logical, they defend imperialism, and not the freedom of the people!

Jean Thiriart: What would you think about the establishment of a global system of information and communication between all the tendencies that fight against Russian and American imperialism, and the collective pursuit of a certain number of political efforts?

General Perón: We must consider unification to be the principal objective of all those who fight for the same cause. I say unification and not union or association. We need to integrate. Because we will soon have the occasion to act, and we must be integrated and not only associated for an effective action.

Jean Thiriart: So you believe we must go very far, much further than simple connections, in the tactical alliance with the enemies of American imperialism. Even with Castro, the Arabs, Mao Zedong if it’s necessary? You think that the enemy is so powerful, so invasive, that we must come together in order to defeat it, leaving aside ideological differences?

General Perón: I’m not communist. I’m Justicialist. But I don’t have the right to demand that China be Justicialist also. If the Chinese want to be communists, why would we want to “make them happy” against their will at any price? They are free to choose the regime that they wish for, even if it’s different than ours. Everyone is sovereign in what concerns their internal affairs. But if the Chinese fight against the same imperialist domination as us, then they are our companions in struggle. Mao himself said: “The first thing to distinguish is the real identity of friends and enemies. Then we can act.” I am a partisan of tactical alliances, according to the formula: the enemies of our enemies are our friends.

Jean Thiriart: Thank you. I have now finished with my questions. Would you like to make a declaration of particular subjects?

General Perón: I regularly read La Nation Européenne and I entirely share its ideas. Not only concering Europe but the world. One criticism, I would prefer to the title La Nation Européenne, the title Monde nouveau [The New World]. Because in the future, Europe alone will not have all the sufficient resources for the defense of its interests. Today, particular interests often defend themselves in very far away places. Europe should think about it. It must integrate, certainly, but in integrating, it should also keep close contacts with other countries in the process of integrating. Latin America in particular, an essential element that must ally with Europe. We, Latin Americans, are Europeans, and not from the American tendency. I personally feel more French, more Spanish, or more German than American. The old Jew Disraeli was quite right when he said: “Peoples have neither permanent friends nor permanent enemies, they have permanent interests,” we must unite these interests, even if they are geographically distant, so that Europe can continue to be the first civilizing power in the world.

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First World and Third World in the Age of Austerity

16 Wednesday Mar 2016

Posted by emontsalvat in Uncategorized

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First World and Third World in the Age of Austerity, ideology, Juan Domingo Perón, Lenin, nationalism, socialism

To begin we must first understand how neo-liberalism functions in both the Third and First World. Let us start by identifying neo-liberalism as a form of imperialism. In today’s neo-liberalism we see the accumulation of capital in a few countries at the expense of others, who are the debtors of these advanced capitalist economies. In a certain sense Lenin’s critique of imperialism, which he articulated in the age of British imperialism, is apt here:
“Imperialism is an immense accumulation of money capital in a few countries … Hence the extraordinary growth of a class, or rather, of a stratum of rentiers, i.e., people who live by “clipping coupons”, who take no part in any enterprise whatever, whose profession is idleness. The export of capital, one of the most essential economic bases of imperialism, still more completely isolates the rentiers from production and sets the seal of parasitism on the whole country that lives by exploiting the labour of several overseas countries and colonies…For that reason the term “rentier state” (Rentnerstaat), or usurer state, is coming into common use in the economic literature that deals with imperialism. The world has become divided into a handful of usurer states and a vast majority of debtor states.” (Imperialism, The Highest Stage of Capitalism).

We see this situation today, the financial class of the developed nations makes loans and investments in the Third World, which provides cheap labor and raw materials for them to use, and which in turn makes them a profit, while the governments of the Third World pay the usurers loans back at the expense of their native populations. These rentier states do not do any of the labor, they merely subsist off the earnings of their capital investments. The division between the rentier state and the Third World can be described as a relation of core and periphery. The rentier state constitutes the core, it controls money, it controls technology, if need be it can control the government and the media of the Third World debtor state, the Third World is the periphery, it provides resources and labor, though the earnings of the laborers doing the work of the First World rentiers is certainly not sufficient for it to develop autonomously, and the meager share of profits it keeps often go to pay off the debt it accumulated from the “aid” of the rentier state. The Third World is kept in a state of dependency, it needs the rentier to provide jobs, technology, investment, but the rentier only gives it to them in the measure where it can maintain its control over it. In the Third World this leads to social dislocations, such the creation of mass urban conglomerations around new industrial projects, uprooting people from their traditional agrarian lives, the formation of shanty towns where living conditions lead to serious health issues, and corruption in the Third World comprador class that acts as the enforcers of the rentier states.

One would think that this would be an immense boon to the populations of the First World rentier nations. Marxist Third World theorists have stated that the working classes of the First World constitute a “labor aristocracy,” where the profits made off the back of the Third World ease their sufferings. First World welfare states, funded in part from profits of Third World exploitation would seem to justify this analysis. However, in an age of austerity this critique is increasingly proving antiquated. In the United States and Western Europe vast swaths of once vital industrial territory rust away. The welfare state that once provided for the victims of outsourcing to Third World nations has been shredded over the past 30 years. There are no “labor aristocrats” in Detroit and Appalachia, nor in Glasgow or Languedoc-Roussillon. In response to economic crises, the displaced working class of the First World is told time and again to “tighten their belts.” In response to stagnant or declining wages, people are increasingly forced to rely upon credit to make up for the lack of purchasing power. Moreover, this situation is exacerbated by the mass importation of immigrants from the Third World to undercut wages in the First. In many respects, these deindustrialized regions are becoming the peripheral territories of the large financial centers. The usurious interest taken from their purchases on credit flows to the big banks in New York City or London, who in turn flood their local markets with cheap goods manufactured overseas to kill the homegrown economy. In short, the rentier state has become reduced, in the age of neo-liberalism, to the rentier city, and perhaps even the rentier neighborhood (Wall Street and the City of London). Beyond the City and Wall Street, lies the periphery. Ultimately, the political dimension of this situation is xenocracy, rule of aliens, that is to say rule by an elite completely foreign to the lives of the people being ruled. The financial elite at the center of the rentier state is alien, in differing degrees, to both the displaced industrial worker of the First World and the sweatshop laborer of the Third World.

That leaves the question, what is to be done? In many ways the Third World is far ahead of the peripheral regions of the First World in addressing this problem. For the Third World, the rentier class is immediately identifiable as foreign, he lives in a foreign country, he speaks a foreign language, in most cases he looks different, he may practice a different religion, hold a different set of moral values. Instantaneously, a dichotomy between the nationalist, anti-capitalist forces and the international, capitalist forces arises, as soon as some global corporation breaks the soil on a new development. Moreover, in the Third World there is no nostalgia for the days when they were at the center of the market, simply because they never were. The history of capitalism in the Third World is nasty, brutish, and short. The capitalists came first as foreign invaders, then as a foreign investors. There were no halcyon days of the welfare state as in the First World, where the average worker could expect to afford house and car with his wages. For the people of the Third World, the national and social struggle is clear. The small comprador class, which serves as the liaison between the First World capitalists and the Third World nation, is seen as treasonous. The great Juan Domingo Perón, called the class of collaborators in Argentina sepoys, after the native Indians who served with the British colonizers. To combat them, Perón wisely offered some advice to developing nations in 1972:
“We protect our natural resources tooth and nail from the voracity of the international monopolies that seek to feed a nonsensical type of industrialization and development in high tech sectors with market-driven economies. You cannot cause a massive increase in food production in the Third World without parallel development of industries. So each gram of raw material taken away today equates in the Third World countries with kilos of food that will not be produced tomorrow.

Halting the exodus of our natural resources will be to no avail if we cling to methods of development advocated by those same monopolies, that mean the denial of the rational use of our resources.

In defense of their interests, countries should aim at regional integration and joint action.

Do not forget that the basic problem of most Third World countries is the absence of genuine social justice and popular participation in the conduct of public affairs. Without social justice the Third World will not be able to face the agonizingly difficult decades ahead.”

These basic tenets, namely refusal to allow the parasitic foreign extraction of resources, the development of autonomous means of managing resources, regional and continental unity in the face of neo-colonial exploitation, and the wise use of resources to promote social equity in the nation, are the basis for Third World resistance. They are exemplified by the Pan-Arab, Pan-African, and Bolivarian movements and among men such as Nasser, Gaddafi, Chavez, and Sankara, in addition to the aforementioned Perón. Moreover, let us salute the tremendous history of Third World revolution encompassing figures such as Mao Zedong, Che Guevara, Fidel Castro, and Ho Chi Minh, who rose up against the foreign backed capitalist class. For the Third World, the struggle for national and social liberation has been alive for over sixty years, and despite the setbacks it has seen, its heart still beats strongly.

For the First World, there is certainly much to be done. There is a nostalgia for the “thirty glorious years” from 1945 to 1975 where the welfare state, and Keynesian economic policies in general ensured the prosperity of the working masses. Those days are gone, definitely, irrevocably. The era where the political elite acted in a paternalist fashion to the working class is over. Though the working class has yet to see the political elite as an alien, hostile elite. In many respects this is a much harder task than in the Third World. The political elite generally looks like them, they speak the same language, they may pay lip service to the same religious creeds, they live in the same country. But we must ask, does Detroit look like it belongs to the same country as Wall Street? It may as well be an entirely different one. In terms of moral values, does the working class man in West Virginia hold the same fundamental beliefs as the stockbroker in New York or the politician in Washington? Once again, a resounding no. Certainly things like television reinforce a common national culture, but then again so does global mass media reinforce a global mass culture from Libya and Venezuela to Hollywood. It is becoming increasingly clear that the average denizen of the American Rust Belt has absolutely nothing in common with the Hollywood glitterati he sees on television. As this alienation becomes clear, the struggle will enter a more active phase.

The people will no longer wait on the political elite to come and save them. They will see the political and financial class as a group of jet-setters disconnected from the essence of their lives, their national traditions, their economic well being. They will take things into their own hands. The old class struggle will become a national struggle for the survival of the people of the deindustrialized hinterlands. The old labor struggles will become icons of resistance, the strikes of coal miners and factory laborers will inspire new movements. Autonomous action will be key, people should begin to grow their own food, take control of their leased or mortgaged homes, establish their own cooperative economic enterprises. This will be sporadic at first, it will be bottom up local movements seizing control, if necessary forming armed units for self defense. The elite class will react, they will accuse the people of the nation of treason against them. Yet once they begin to take things into their own hands, petty appeals to a false patriotism made by the political elite will fall on deaf ears. The calls of aliens mean nothing to the true bearers of the national spirit, for the nation is not the politicians and stock jobbers of the capital and the big cities, it is the vast majority of the people they exploit. These people who can jet off to their tax havens are not the nation, and the sooner the people of the nation realize it, the sooner the nation will rise. The elite is as rootless as the dollars they transfer around the world, they may occupy certain districts of the First World, but they belong to no world. Their values are abstract, the rule of the laws of the market, they are not shaped by the experience of belonging to a community, with its historically defined social relations and codes of honor, but by pure individual self interest according to economic axioms. Their cultural productions are merely standardized, lifeless, consumer goods, as meaningless as McDonald’s and Coca-Cola, they do not spring from the soil and the blood of a people’s history. This is the enemy, it must be targeted, and decisively defeated.

Against the greed of Wall Street and the filth of Hollywood, those discarded and exploited by the system will affirm their own ways of life, their own self sufficient economies, their own creeds. From the sweatshops of the Third World, to the shuttered factories of the First, the cause of the nation, the cause of the people, resounds with a thunderous call.

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1973 1992 1996 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Action Française Adam B. Bartoš Alain de Benoist Anarchism Antonio Medrano Apache Magazine Ba'athism Consumerism Eduard Limonov Ernst Jünger Eurasianism Falangism First World and Third World in the Age of Austerity François Duprat Gauche Prolétarienne Georges Sorel Henning Eichberg Hoxha ideology Introduction to the dossier “Africa – Europe” from issue 76 of the magazine Rébellion Jean-Philippe Chauvin Jean Thiriart Juan Domingo Perón Ladislav Zemánek Lenin Mai 68 Mao Maurras Michel Clouscard National-Syndicalism National Bolshevik Party National Democracy nationalism NazBol Québec Neither Right nor Left: The Epic of Fiume New Left Nouvelle Action Française Patriotism and Socialism Philitt Pierre-Joseph Proudhon Québec Ramiro Ledesma Ramos Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, The Creator of National-Syndicalism reaction Richard Chartrand Robert Steuckers Russia Rébellion Situationism Slaying the Hydra of Reaction socialism Strategika Syndicalism The Ba'ath - Ideology and History The Long March: Defeating Liberalism in the West The Québécois National Communist Manifesto Thibault Isabel Thiriart Understand and Fight the Advent of Neo-Capitalism with Michel Clouscard URGENT: Zionist Repressions in the Czech Republic Vouloir What We Are and What We Are Not Youth Zionism

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