• About
  • DONATE!
  • Links
  • Manifesto

Institute for National Revolutionary Studies

Institute for National Revolutionary Studies

Tag Archives: Russia

Russia: National Identity, Imperial Character, Post-Communism, National-Capitalists and “Compradors” – Interview with Alexander Andreyevich Prokhanov – Nouvelles de Synergies Européennes n°20, 1996

13 Wednesday Mar 2019

Posted by emontsalvat in Uncategorized

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

1996, Alexander Prokhanov, Nouvelles de Synergies Européennes, Russia

One of the principal “nationalist” advisors of Gennady Zyuganov – the principal adversary of Boris Yeltsin during the June 16th presidental elections in Russia – granted us an exclusive interview on May 28th in Moscow: he’s Alexander Andreyevich Prokhanov, also the director of the national opposition paper Zavtra, the former director of Den (banned after the days of October 3-4 1993) and Sovetskaya Literatura, a monthly magazine before Perestroika, published in many languages where Russian literature progressively left the Marxist yoke to full rediscover its Russianness. This interview with A. A. Prokhanov will help our readers see the mysteries of Muscovite politics more clearly and also better understand the strange alliance between nationalists and socialists, between the “browns” and the “reds” as the sensationalist press said, which is being sealed in Russia, and could, in the case of “national-communists” victory, overturn the present relation of forces in Europe. (Loukian Strogoff)

Loukian Strogoff: In general you are considered by Western media as one of the principal “nationalist” advisors of the candidate Gennady Zyuganov. Russian national identity is always difficult to define for Westerners, who don’t recognize the divides to which they’re accustomed. Certain Russian nationalists prefer the definition of an “ethnic nation”, founded on the idea of a “majority people.” Such or such city or village would be Russian because it’s populated by a Russian majority. Other nationalists define the Russian nation as the heir of imperial Russia’s history. They call for the defense of Russia’s “traditional interests.” Is your reference the ethnic nation or the imperial nation?

Alexander Andreyevich Prokhanov: I quite prefer the second definition. For a long time, I’ve tried to understand why Russian nationalists haven’t united in a major movement. I have made efforts myself in favor of a Russian national conservative movement, but without any success until now. I believe that Russian man cannot rid himself of the imperial tradition. The purely ethnic approach raises more problems than it solves. What are we to think about millions of mixed marriages, interweaving peoples and languages. We’d also have to return territories where Russians are in the minority. The partisans of a “pure” ethnic nation are not numerous and form “exotic” groups. In general, Russian nationalism is synonymous with imperial consciousness. Nationalist and “imperialist” movements have dispersed their support to all candidates except Grigory Yavlinsky, who would be, from a certain point of view, the only candidate representing an “ethnically pure movement.”

Strogoff: How would you analyze the power relations between the “nationalist”, “social democratic”, and “orthodox communist” political forces that support Zyuganov’s candidacy?

Prokhanov: There are practically no “strict obedience” Communists and there hasn’t been for a long time. All the political and ideological elite firstly betrayed the Party by becoming “liberal” and forming the “democratic” camp. The people with pragmatic ideas, imbued with the ideal of a grand Soviet state remained in the Party. For them, the USSR represented communism. In particular I’m thinking about scientists, “builders,” the military. That’s the type of communist that predominates today in a Party where there are no longer ideological discussions as in the years 1905-1917. The present Party no longer pretends to have a monopoly on the truth. From this point of view, we can qualify it as parliamentary and “social-democratic.” I do not doubt that in the case of victory it will retain this orientation. It’s in a period of transition. Bit by bit, it’s becoming the party of Russian interests, where the idea of justice and social harmony dominates and in which people who perceive the world in a rational, but also irrational manner, I mean believers, are found. Provisionally, we can effectively qualify it as “national-communist.” Two sources of energy animate it: the energy of the wounded nation and the energy of social suffering.

Strogoff: They’ve accused Zyuganov of antisemitism because in his book “I Believe in Russia”, he wrote: “The Jewish diaspora traditionally controls the financial life of the continent and increasingly becomes the principal inspiration of the Western socioeconomic system every day.” Do you think that Zyuganov is antisemitic?

Prokhanov: In Russia, as in Europe, a situation has been created where anyone who intends to speak about the relationship of Jews to society is qualified as antisemitic. Relations between Russians and Jews are indeed troubled, as they’ve always been, because there has been much suffering on both sides. Zyuganov, as a political analyst, speaks about questions that are beyond the scope of Russia. But he’s not antisemitic. As a statesman, he must take into account all the forces of the country and try to restore justice and harmony wherever they’ve been trampled.

Strogoff: Yeltsin is clearly the foreigner’s candidate, [the candidate] of globalist financial forces. But what about Yavlinsky? Should he be considered the foreigner’s backup candidate? Is the continuation of his candidacy explained by an order from abroad or simply by the fact that he’s shown himself to be too greedy during his haggling with Yeltsin?

Prokhanov: Two types of politicians gravitate around Yeltsin; the first we can qualify as “national capitalists” and the others I like to call “compradors.” The conflict between them is permanent. At a certain moment, Yeltsin separated from the radical liberals. He filled his administration with the national-capitalists and, in this sense, we can no longer say that he’s absolutely a creature of the United States. And the interests of the radical liberals actually find themselves represented by Yavlinsky who is thus not a backup candidate but an autonomous creature, a “pure product.” The conflict between Yeltsin and Yavlinsky arises from two different visions of the world. It’s a conflict between divergent capitalist clans and interests. Today, the national-capitalists, the “hardliners,” the “defense ministers” around General Korzhakov, are the pillars on which Yeltsin leans to counterbalance the influence of the other pole constituted by the “compradors” like his economic advisor Livshits and his prime minister Chernomyrdin. This second pole is close to Yavlinsky.

Strogoff: Already during the summer of 1995, Oleg Boyko, speaking in the name of a certain number of bankers, asked for the postponement legislative elections in exchange for financial support for the highest levels of the state. In a way, he wanted to “privatize” the presidency of Russia and the federal government. He declared: “The choice is between capitalism and democracy.” Today, “the letter of 13” (bankers and major businessmen) demands a historical compromise and a national unity government that would preserve their interests. They’re using civil war as blackmail. What do you think about this development? Should Gennady Zyuganov agree to discuss such a compromise before the elections?

Prokhanov: The threat of civil war is not an abstraction. If it was a myth, it would not be used as an instrument of psychological war. The situation is so hostile that it prevents any rebirth of the country today. The present opposing forces cancel each other. These 13 bankers that we call the “13 vampires” have a motivation hidden from public opinion: the fear of a new coup by Yeltsin relying on the “national capitalists.” This group would then be in a position of major strength and the clan of the “compradors” around Chernomyrdin, who serves these 13 bankers, could be the next victims of a sort of “right wing fascism.” We must remember the conflict last year between General Korzhakov and Vladimir Gusinsky, president of the financial and media group Most, recently elected president of the Russian Jewish Congress after a few months of exile in Russia. It’s this fear, not of the “national-communists” but of the “national-capitalists” that has forced them to formulate compromise proposals between different political forces.

Strogoff: In the case of Gennady Zyuganov’s victory, what would be the urgent priority measures that your biweekly paper Zavtra would demand from the new government

Prokhanov: We aren’t seeking vengeance. An amnesty would be necessary to recover social peace. We will honor our dead. Vengeance will only come from God and mercy, from the head of state.

Strogoff: You were the quasi-official chronicler of the Soviet military campaign in Afghanistan. How do you judge the advisability and the results of the Russian military campaign in Chechnya, in particular in light of the “cease-fire” that was just signed in the Kremlin?

Prokhanov: The conflict in Chechnya is the result of the development of a criminal world, in Grozny as in Moscow. In fact it’s a settling of scores between mafia groups. That’s why this war wasn’t really a war. It was “instrumentalized” by the oil, drug, etc lobbies. To my knowledge, they are the emissaries of Chernomyrdin who has agreements with Chechen leaders about a new re-allotment of profits from existing and planned oil pipelines. For the moment Yeltsin has stopped the war and can derive an electoral benefit from it, but nothing is essentially resolved and the criminalization of the Caucasus has been boosted by this war. Criminal empires don’t have the right to exist.

Strogoff: Evgeny Primakov seems to have given a certain coherence to Russian diplomacy. The minister of the interior, Anatoly Kulikov, also gives the impression of being a serious and upright man. Could these two ministers, in your opinion, retain their posts in the context of a new administration?

Prokhanov: It’s possible. Knowing Gennady Zyuganov well and his prudent approach in matters of change, he could only appreciate a specialist like Primakov, a brilliant representative of the Soviet diplomatic tradition. He’s doubtlessly unique. He could reestablish the situation after the departure of Kozyrev, the pawn of the Americans. So he could be very useful. Kulikov is also a good specialist. We haven’t forgotten how he killed many of our friends on the 3rd and 4th of October 1993. Nevertheless he has certain merits. The most important is having refused to participate in the planned coup last March 17th that started with the occupation of the Duma for a few hours. His declared intention at the start of the year to control the anti-national banks and his attempts to fight against corruption in his ministries could also plead in his favor.

Strogoff: Certain Western European countries, in particular France, strive to free the European Union from American tutelage. Should a new government in Russia support such a path towards a “Europe for Europeans?”

Prokhanov: All that has come from Europe to Russia has been negative. For us the West is a synonym for evil. Politicians are interested in a move away from a United States of Europe, because American withdrawal would weaken it. There are knots of contradictions that would fortunately handicap its influence on Russia. For the most part, the European Union is an illusion as the contradictions between France and Germany on the occasion of the conflict in the Balkans, which Russia played a part in, show. It will continue in this way. The refocusing of American policy towards Asia could make the United States a partner of Russia in this region.

Interviewer: Loukian Strogoff

Source: http://www.archiveseroe.eu/eltsine-a48470098

Advertisement

Interview with Zakhar Prilepin – Breizh-Info – November 22nd, 2016

01 Thursday Dec 2016

Posted by emontsalvat in Uncategorized

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

2016, Breizh-Info, EU, National Bolshevik Party, Putin, Russia, Trump, Zakhar Prilepin

This Saturday, the journal Éléments organized its colloquium in Paris “Russie : à l’est, du nouveau ?” Among the invitees present, there was Zakhar Prilepin, who spoke for a long time, in Russian, with a translator at his side, before a full room – nearly 250 people, many of whom came from the Russian diaspora in France.

Zakhar Prilepin, whose real name is Evgenii Nikolaevitch Prilepin, was born in 1975 in a village in the Ryazan region. A journalist, linguist, and Russian politician, since 1996 a member of the National Bolshevik Party, and the Other Russia coalition, he opposed Putin and the liberal and pro-European orientation of Russia. In 2014, with Russian Spring and the return of Crimea, followed by the start of the independence war in Donbass, Russian power became more interventionist in the economy, more conservative and patriotic, in unison with civil society. Zakhar Prilepin, who became a war correspondent in Donbass and gathered humanitarian aid for its population, abandoned his opposition to Putin. An author of books – many of which have been translated into French, he is also a journalist on Russian television (Ren TV, Tsargrad TV) and has written for many print and web Russian media outlets (Ogoniok, Svobodnaia Pressa, Izvestia, Novaya Gazeta).

After his speech, we met with Zakhar Prilepin.

Breizh Info : Zakhar Prilepin, what do you think about Putin today, to whom you were opposed in the past?

Zakhar Prilepin : Putin gave Russia a big chance to have a new history. I hope that he will change the liberal course of the economy, set the bar a bit further left. On this subject, it’s will be important to know who will replace Ulyukayev [the economic development minister, a convinced liberal, fired after having been implicated in a corruption scandal].

Breizh Info : The German newspaper Die Press announced in a recent article that Russia is less dependent on petroleum revenue and it will renew economic growth in 2017. Furthermore, it is today experiencing a new industrial and agricultural revolution, with numerous factories opening. Is the economic crisis finished?

Zakhar Prilepin : There is no visible economic crisis and far fewer criminal or ethnic gangs in the streets of Russian cities, as was the case in the 1990s… or today in the big European cities. That said, it’s evident that the population was impoverished during the 2015-2016 crisis, but the social attitudes towards the crisis changed. Increasingly people leave cities in order return to country, while rural exodus was important from the immediate post-war era until the 2000s.

Breizh Info : The demographic statistics for Russia from January to August 2016 were just published. They testify to a natural balance of births and death of 8,200 people, with a birth rate stronger than a mortality rate in 28 regions – including the rural regions which were in decline until now – and decrease in abortions by a third in four years, from 735,000 thousand in 2011 to 447,000 in 2015. Is this the end of the Russian deep demographic decline?

Zakhar Prilepin : Certainly the situation for agriculture and thus the rural regions was improved thanks to the sanctions and the Russian embargo on products from Western countries. But the possibility of stopping this embargo worries Siberian peasants who demonstrate their strong opposition to the end of Russian sanctions. Yet, there is other good news: in relation to the years 1990-2000, where the objective of those who held power was to enrich themselves to the maximum, the people in power have matured and realized that there is no substitute for Russia. A self-preservation mechanism was put in place, which made it possible to dismiss the rotten and those who were determined to serve a master other than the Russian people.

Breizh Info : Do you think with Russian Spring, in 2014, a new generation of leaders will enter politics and give an extra push towards more patriotic values, more socially conservative and interventionist in the economy?

Zakhar Prilepin : During Russian Spring, there were many soldiers, who were invested in society. Once Russian Spring ended, they returned to the army. There are relatively few political leaders on that level, with the exception of the former governor of Sevastopol, Alexeï Tchaly.

Breizh Info : And the prosecutor Natalia Poklonskaya, very popular and for whom they predict a grand political future?

Zakhar Prilepin : She’s not really on that level outside of Crimea.

Breizh Info : What do you think about Ukraine’s future?

Zakhar Prilepin : By sending Russia away and launching a murderous civil war in the East, the Ukrainian power thinks it will become the locomotive of progress. But, they are at the back of the train now, dependent on the good will of Trump. If that means that the United States is no longer concerned with supporting the power in Kiev, if he says it’s in the Russian zone of influence, they’re washed up.

Breizh Info : On this subject, what do you think about Trump’s election?

Zakhar Prilepin : The American public has affirmed with force that it is white, conservative, Christian, gun bearing, and it wants to address its internal problems instead of those in the world.

Breizh Info : That’s good news for Russia?

Zakhar Prilepin : More than the election of Clinton of course. But Trump, as a good American, will try to divide Russia and China, for example by giving Russia everything it wants on the condition that it doesn’t form a bloc with Beijing. Or by pressing where it hurts, that is to say on the hypothetical possibility that the Chinese invade the Russian far east.

Breizh Info : The neighboring Chinese overflow into the great Russian emptiness there. Do you think that could happen?

Zakhar Prilepin : Honestly, no. The arrival of the Chinese in the Russian far-east is not so massive, it’s even stabilized these last few years. On the contrary, the Chinese migrate in mass towards the South, so it’s rather Taiwan that has to worry about it.

Breizh Info : What is the future of the EU after Trump’s election?

Zakhar Prilepin : Trump is concentrated on the United States itself, and will disengage from supporting the EU. He will notably encourage the European countries to pay for their own defense. Without the influence and the commanding power of the United States and Great Britain, the EU will have much less influence in the future. But that, it’s above all Germany’s problem.

Interviewer: Louis-Benoît Greffe

Source:http://www.breizh-info.com/2016/11/22/53588/zakhar-prilepine-pouvoir-de-commandement-etats-unis-lue-na-davenir

 

Tags

1973 1992 1996 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Action Française Adam B. Bartoš Alain de Benoist Anarchism Antonio Medrano Apache Magazine Ba'athism Consumerism Eduard Limonov Ernst Jünger Eurasianism Falangism First World and Third World in the Age of Austerity François Duprat Gauche Prolétarienne Georges Sorel Henning Eichberg Hoxha ideology Introduction to the dossier “Africa – Europe” from issue 76 of the magazine Rébellion Jean-Philippe Chauvin Jean Thiriart Juan Domingo Perón Ladislav Zemánek Lenin Mai 68 Mao Maurras Michel Clouscard National-Syndicalism National Bolshevik Party National Democracy nationalism NazBol Québec Neither Right nor Left: The Epic of Fiume New Left Nouvelle Action Française Patriotism and Socialism Philitt Pierre-Joseph Proudhon Québec Ramiro Ledesma Ramos Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, The Creator of National-Syndicalism reaction Richard Chartrand Robert Steuckers Russia Rébellion Situationism Slaying the Hydra of Reaction socialism Strategika Syndicalism The Ba'ath - Ideology and History The Long March: Defeating Liberalism in the West The Québécois National Communist Manifesto Thibault Isabel Thiriart Understand and Fight the Advent of Neo-Capitalism with Michel Clouscard URGENT: Zionist Repressions in the Czech Republic Vouloir What We Are and What We Are Not Youth Zionism

Blog at WordPress.com.

Privacy & Cookies: This site uses cookies. By continuing to use this website, you agree to their use.
To find out more, including how to control cookies, see here: Cookie Policy
  • Follow Following
    • Institute for National Revolutionary Studies
    • Join 36 other followers
    • Already have a WordPress.com account? Log in now.
    • Institute for National Revolutionary Studies
    • Customize
    • Follow Following
    • Sign up
    • Log in
    • Report this content
    • View site in Reader
    • Manage subscriptions
    • Collapse this bar