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Institute for National Revolutionary Studies

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Tag Archives: Mao

From Mao to Maurras – Jean-Philippe Chauvin – December 29th, 2009

11 Friday Nov 2016

Posted by emontsalvat in Uncategorized

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Action Française, Gauche Prolétarienne, Jean-Philippe Chauvin, Mao, Maurras, Nouvelle Action Française

In 1975, somewhere in Paris, a rather unusual political event took place that would leave its mark on the minds of some of its participants: a public meeting favorable to the national independence of countries regrouping left wing Gaullists, neo-Maurrasian royalists of Nouvelle Action Française, and … Maoists! This meeting wasn’t repeated, but it also gave rise to reunions between militants of NAF and some ex-monarchists who had gone over to the “Chinese,” as they sometimes called the “Maoists”: thus the director of the paper “Lys Rouge” in the years 1970-71, Christian M, who had ended up in proletarian revolution and the cult of president Mao from popular monarchy and royalist revolution, was once again reunited, a bit confusedly, with his old “Fleur de Lys” comrades …

Today, apart from Alain Badiou, the Maoists have disappeared, at least politically, but their personal journeys continue to inspire seekers and the curious in politics. Such is the theme of the very interesting little book written by Jean Birnbaum entitled “les Maoccidents”: it is even more interesting as it mentions the royalists and above all the major figure of l’Action Française, Charles Maurras, many times! Elsewhere Gérard Leclerc had already devoted two articles in “Royaliste”, the bi-monthly of Nouvelle Action Royaliste, critical heir of Nouvelle Action Française. And of course we must note that the real title could have been “Towards Israel and Maurras, the road to Paradise of the French Maoists”

The journey of Benny Levy, charismatic director of the Gauche Prolétarienne (“the” Maoist intellectual movement of the 1970s), is well known: after having been the secretary of Sartre, he would soon become one of the greatest contemporary thinkers (if not the greatest) of Judaism. The rediscovery of his Jewish heritage, its wealth, its depth, marked a rupture with this pro-Palestinian Maoism starting from his shock from the tragedy of the Olympic games in Munich in 1972, which lead to the deaths of many Israeli athletes. It marked a return to Tradition and the roots of his people, both religious and historical in nature: was it not, all things being equal, a journey that Maurras undertook, like a number of his disciples, to the point that André Malraux wrote : “To go from anarchy to ‘Action française’ is not contradictory, but constructive.”

“Mao or Maurras?”: this question, or maybe we could say this dilemma, gave rise to a debate/ book between the Maoist Philippe Hamel and the royalist Patrice Sicard at the start of the 1970s, and so we can state that, beyond the visible oppositions and the brawls in the street (or rather campus) between the students of AF and the young Maoists, debate was actually possible and some similarities between the diagnoses and hopes of both were emerging. Elsewhere, there was, at the same time, passages from one camp to the other, and a few years later, “returns” to “mother’s house” for those who had once preferred reading “The Little Red Book” to “Inquiry on Monarchy”: Jean Birnbaum, in his book “Les Maoccidents,” mentions the case of Guy Lardreau, who in 1961 asked his high-school comrades to sport a black ribbon on the anniversary of Louis XVI’s death before becoming one of the most virulent militants of “ Gauche Prolétarienne.”

At the start of the 1970s, the encounter with the philosopher Maurice Clavel, a fervent Catholic and according to Birnbaum, “former Maurrasian and henceforth guardian angel of the Maoists”, seems determinant enough to explain the evolution or return (for Lardreau, for example) towards Maurras and “Counter-Revolution”: “Believing that both bore the same spirit, he presented the castaways of the Gauche prolétarienne, who he qualified as ‘Chouans,’ to a few young royalists who appeared as “leftists of the right” Truly the refusal of consumer society and individualism could bring together the partisans of Mao and those of royalism, still very strongly marked by the instructive figure of Maurras, the same person who had furnished the monarchists of the 20th century with a genuine doctrine founded on a school of thought that claimed to be the critical and modern heir of Joseph de Maistre and Louis de Bonald.

Maurice Clavel, celebrated for his famous cry “Messieurs Censors, good night!” one night in a televised debate, started a promising debate with Pierre Boutang, “spiritual son” (but “dissident” or “prodigal”, according to interpretation) of Maurras during the 1960s, a debate that would follow with the young “post-Maurrasian” monarchists of Nouvelle Action Française in the 70s. This was the same Clavel who asked the Maoists not to neglect the work of Maurras and recommended they meet with Boutang!

The advice of Clavel doubtlessly permitted the establishment of bridges between Mao and Maurras, to the point that some old Maoists regretted giving such a small place to the latter in contemporary thought: such as Christian Jambet, today a recognized specialist of Islam, and the philosopher Jean-Claude Milner… Doubtlessly it is the fact that Maurras challenged the same fundamentals of the society that came from the Revolution of 1789, its “human rightism” that negates provincial and communal diversity, the “death of the Father” that it caused (politically solidified by the execution of the king in January 1793), etc. that attracted the Maoists who only espoused the Maoist cause through the will to break with a society shaped by consumerist individualism, forgetful of the history of those who had preceded them, and this merchant world where thought became a nearly superfluous “detail,” this “non-revolutionary” world that apes revolution in order to sterilize it.

Pierre Chaunu said that Maurras ended, thought his doctrine and the practice of his polemic, the “salamalecs” (Translator’s notes: exaggerated and hypocritical politeness) in regards to “1789” and the “policy of the blank slate,” and that he broke with the same fundamentals of the “great disestablishment”: it’s doubtlessly this rupture that could attract Maoists themselves desirous of breaking with “The Enlightenment West”:

“The ultimate target calls itself the Modern West. This West, coming from the Enlightenment, which pretends to free the individual from the constraints of tradition, is in opposition to another, respectful of its heritage, and which affirms the primacy of the cultural community. To be Western here, is not to belong to the same ethnicity, even less the same ‘race’, it is to share in the symbols, embodied in a language, to recognize the spiritual events that this civilization is built from: Greeks miracles, Roman law, Biblical ethics, the Christian revolution, even liberal thought…

So admit that we cannot escape its heritage, accept the all mightiness of the origin, the absolute supremacy of birth: ‘Our native society is imposed on us … We only have the ability to accept it, revolt against it, maybe even flee it without being able to essentially bypass it’, wrote Maurras. ‘You could very well become a sociologist, a revolutionary, a reform Jew, you will change nothing about this innate fact, fundamental, initially and finally, from the beginning to the end: you were born.’ warned Benny Levy from his side, whose texts are now read with a benevolent attention by certain heirs of Action française, and in particular the students of Pierre Boutang.”

 

Source: http://nouvelle-chouannerie.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=892:de-mao-a-maurras-partie-1&catid=31:general&Itemid=46

http://nouvelle-chouannerie.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=894:de-mao-a-maurras-partie-2&catid=1:latest-news&Itemid=12

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Patriotism and Socialism – Richard Chartrand – Nazbol Québec

22 Monday Aug 2016

Posted by emontsalvat in Uncategorized

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Hoxha, Mao, NazBol Québec, Patriotism and Socialism, Québec, Richard Chartrand, Stalin, Tito

An article that I wrote a few years ago on the necessity of combining socialism with love of country, which bemoans the fact that a large part of the Québécois left is mired in anti-nationalism primarily.

Patriotism and Socialism

How can socialism be compatible with patriotism? If we rely on a certain part of what they generally call “the left,” they are two antagonistic terms and any idea of making a synthesis between them is rejected off hand. Patriotic pride is often a taboo subject among the people of the left who in some cases do not hesitate to indiscriminately throw the epithets of racists, xenophobes, even fascists at the heads of those who claim it. According to a well known anarchist movement in Québec, the UCL (Union Communiste Libertaire), nationalism or patriotism divides the working class and tends to create sentiments of solidarity between the bourgeois and the workers within the same nation1. The workers do not have a country is their most recent watchword! As if from the start the workers aren’t born within a determined nation! The working class is certainly international, in the sense that it exists in every country, but each worker comes into the world in a country with a particular language and culture.

More often the anarchists and other currents of the “left” serve us the catchphrase of the necessity of a world without borders where workers live in fraternity, love without limits, and where all national and ethnic conflicts would disappear like magic! Certainly conflicts between nations and countries are not a positive element in international political life and often generate innumerable tragedies and disasters. That said, the disappearance of borders is by no means a panacea to avoid these types of murderous and devastating conflicts. On the contrary, it could even favor inter-ethnic wars, as there would be no more barriers to prevent or at least rein in an army from invading a neighboring territory. We can very well be proud patriots while supporting peoples and workers in the struggle everywhere in the world. A rational and thoughtful patriotism does not prevent international and internationalist solidarity.

We must not forget that capitalism, as the union leader Michel Chartrand said so well, is a system without a country2. The capitalists promote brutal and merciless ultraliberal globalization, which tramples the different cultures and national identities as much as the rights and social benefits strenuously won by the working class. They do everything lower our working and living conditions through destructive standardization. Contrary to certain myths propagated by so-called “internationalist” militants, the bosses are not particularity attached to patriotic sentiments and the defense of the fatherland, though they sometimes use it in order to give themselves a facade of respectability with the workers of their nation. They often do it in order to tear sacrifices from the producers of wealth, by affirming in a totally deceiving and demagogic manner that “the national interest” requires concessions in order to “save” the economy of the country against its competitors.

In the case of Québec, the national capitalists if we can so call them, never distinguished themselves in their support for national independence nor in the fight for the defense of French language and culture. During the two referendums, in 1980 and 1995, the principal employers’ organizations, including the Conseil du Patronat du Québec, called to vote No. The bosses who were recognized for their nationalist convictions, like Claude Béland of Mouvement Desjardins and the late Pierre Péladeau of Québécor, remained rather silent during the referendum campaign of 1995. The Québécois independence movements were and still are always much more supported by the unions, popular groups, feminists groups, it is those groups who are at the forefront of mobilizations for independence and the defense of French language and culture and have been since the 1960s. There have been different socialist movements in history that supported the national liberation struggle of the Québécois people, including the Parti Communiste du Canada Français lead by the unionist Henri Gagnon, the Rassemblement pour Indépendance Nationale (RIN), the Front de Libération Populaire (FLP), Mouvement Socialiste, the Parti Marxiste-Leniniste du Québec, and Québec Solidaire, even if the pro-independence and socialist discourse of that body seems tepid to many. The Coalition against the Project of Law 103, which then became Law 115, on bridging schools in order to bypass Law 101 and thus permit Francophone and Allophone children to enroll in English school, counts in its ranks numerous unions, like the CSN (Confédération des syndicats nationaux) and the CSQ (Centrale des syndicats du Québec) and not a single employer’s organization3. So it’s clear that the Québécois capitalists, in their large majority, do not seek to stir up Québécois patriotic feeling and on the contrary, are very complacent in the face of rampant Anglicization, while the worker’s and popular movement expresses deep concerns in this regard. The very facile affirmation that all nationalist and patriotic feeling is necessarily bourgeois is thus refuted by these examples drawn from Québécois political life.

If we take the time of analyze the socialist experiences of the 20th century, we can easily state that they were by no means totally devoid of patriotism. The great Soviet leader Josef Stalin decided to concentrate on the construction of socialism in one country, which happened to be the USSR, following the failures of the revolutions in Europe during the 1920s. He appealed to Russian patriotic sentiments during the Second World War against Nazi aggression. Stalin was the inspiration for and developer of patriotic socialism and uncompromisingly fought cosmopolitanism. The Cuban Revolution in 1959 drove the imperialist Yankee exploiters from Cuban soils and permitted the people of this country to rediscover their national dignity and pride as has been flouted for decades. Fidel Castro did not hesitate to pronounce his famous “Fatherland or death. We will win!” during a speech in Havana in 1960. We must not forget that the Cuban Revolution was initiated by M-26, a left wing national-revolutionary movement, as find find throughout Latin America. The Chinese Revolution in 1949 was the result and the crowning event of a national liberation struggle against Japanese imperialism and also against Yankee intervention since the end of the Second World War. Moreover, Mao Tse-Tung, who was the head of the Chinese Communist party during the time, had already said, “Can a Communist, who is an internationalist, be a patriot at the same time? We hold not only that he can be, but that he must be. The specific content of patriotism is determined by historical conditions… For only by fighting in defense of the motherland can we defeat the aggressors and achieve national liberation.”4 (“The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War” )

The cited extracts clearly demonstrate that Mao, contrary to what some people on the Québécois left say about him, did not disdain patriotism and considered it as an essential element of his political thought. As the Albanian Communist leader Enver Hoxha said so well, “ Now, at the grave moments through which the Homeland was passed, facing dangers which threatened its existence, we communists would undoubtedly base ourselves firmly on the rich patriotic and fighting traditions of our people, on their tendency and readiness to unite in the fight for freedom.5” (“Laying the Foundations of the New Albania”). Some can respond to us by essentially saying that Québec is not a militarily occupied nation and that they only support people who face military aggression. Even if Québec is not under direct military occupation on the part of Anglo-Canadian imperialism, it is still dominated by the latter and its right of national self-determination is not recognized in practice.

The Yugoslavian revolution lead by Marshall Tito in 1945 is an excellent model of a successful national liberation struggle. Josip Broz Tito defended the independence of his country against redoubtable adversaries. He adopted socialism to the conditions of his country and played a first rate role in the movement of non-aligned countries who refused to put themselves in the service of one superpower or the other. In 1967, Tito didn’t hesitate to cut off relations with Israel in solidarity with the Arab peoples.6

Since April 2014, Québec is once again under the iron rule of a liberal and resolutely federalist government, fundamentally hostile to any will to national liberation, which has implemented a draconian austerity program and budget cuts in social programs. The Parti Québécois’ brief return to power between September 2012 and April 2014 was strongly disappointing. After having canceled the drastic tuition hike decreed by the Jean Charest government and unleashing the famous “Maple Spring,” the PQ proceeded with budget cuts, notably to social aid, and pledged to increase childcare rates $2 in two years. Disillusionment towards the PQ combined with the fiasco of the Charter of Québécois Values lead to its electoral rout on April 7th 2014 and the PLQ’s (Parti libéral du Québec) return to power. Ex-CEO of Québécor, Pierre-Karl Péladeau wanted to present himself as the savior of Parti Québécois, but hardly a year after his election to the leadership of the party, he resigned. All of this shows the dead-end of the PQ’s bourgeois souverainisme and the necessity of a pro-independence and socialist alternative.

In Québec patriotism can only have meaning if it is fused with socialism and the overthrow of the capitalism. Without it we will only reproduce the Canadian system on a smaller scale and we will still face the same social and economic injustices caused by the exploitative capitalist system, without a fatherland and evermore brutal.

For the national and social liberation of Québec!

1) L’ABC de l’UCL, Brochure de l’Union Communiste Libertaire, p.6

2) Michel Chartrand is generally appreciated very much by anarchists because of his combative syndicalism. But his famous remark about the rootlessness of capitalism is always passed over in silence by them, just like they quite often minimize his patriotic activism, only speaking of syndicalist and social struggle. For anarchists, there cannot be links between the two.

3)  http://www.ameriquebec.net/actualites/2010/10/15/la-coalition-contre-la-loi-103-denonce-le-baillon-5152.qc

4) “The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War” in Textes choisis de Mao Tsetoung, Éditions en Langues Étrangères, Pékin, 1972, pp.149-150

5)  Hoxha, Enver, Quand on jettait les fondements de l’Albanie nouvelle, Institut Marx, Engels, Lénine, Staline, Toronto, 1985, p.11

6) https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Josip_Broz_Tito

Source: http://nazbolquebec.blogspot.ca/2012/11/patriotisme-et-socialisme.html

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