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Institute for National Revolutionary Studies

Institute for National Revolutionary Studies

Tag Archives: 2018

NEW RESISTANCE – BRAZIL – PUBLIC LETTER ON THE 2018 ELECTIONS – New Resistance – Brazil Central Committee

31 Wednesday Oct 2018

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2018, Jair Bolsonaro, New Resistance - Brazil, Public Letter on the 2018 Elections

It shall be a competition between Satan and the devil, and only Hell shall be the winner” – Leonel Brizola

The real Jair Bolsonaro

The dramatic Brazilian elections of 2018 have finally reached their closure: the predictable victory of Jair Bolsonaro, who won the majority vote, defeating his petista (Worker’s Party/PT) adversary on the second round. Millions of Brazilians, including a reasonable part of the working class, bestowed the Fatherland’s fate upon the ex-captain, in a clear rejection of the Worker’s Party legacy stemming from almost a decade and a half of rule.

Today, the petista legacy is felt as mostly negative by the people. It’s even possible to claim that “anti-petismo”, the opposition to the Worker’s Party, is now the major political feeling amongst the masses in Brazil. There are of course exaggerations. There’s been PSYOP and manipulation conducted by the US intelligence. There’s a whole anti-petista mythology concocted by the neocon philosopher Olavo de Carvalho behind much of these feelings. All of this is true, but there are also undeniable palpable truths that motivate such rejection to the Worker’s Party: the feeling of insecurity has never been bigger as crime rates keep rising and people feel the omnipresence of corruption; the petista economic project based on commodity exports failed and thus collapsed the economy, leading to millions of unemployed workers and countless bankruptcies as a result of that.

That’s why Bolsonaro will be the next president of Brazil.

But appearances can frequently be deceiving: let us not mistake the elected Bolsonaro of today with the Bolsonaro of two decades ago – that basically patriotic officer of old who used to defend that the neoliberal former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso should be shot by a firing squad for treason – and let us also not mistake the current electoral Worker’s Party, with that popular party of old, organized around unions and the Catholic Church, that emerged decades ago as an alternative to “shock and awe” neoliberalism.

No, Bolsonaro isn’t a patriot and he isn’t a nationalist. The Worker’s Party and the progressive left on the other hand are no alternative and don’t possess neither the moral credibility nor the popular energy to be a real opposition to Bolsonaro.

Why do we proclaim Bolsonaro is no real patriot? It’s very simple: Bolsonaro declared that the Amazonian Forest isn’t ours, that Brazil shouldn’t have its own nuclear program and saluted the US flag. He voted for the PEC 55 Austerity Bill which limits social spending for the next twenty years, thereby closing the possibility for any future public investments.

Paulo Guedes, his Treasury Minister to be, declared that the pension reform will be the “first big item” of the economic model that he and Bolsonaro want to put into practice. Michel Temer, the very impopular current president, has already announced that he’ll give Bolsonaro support so that he manages to get such reform approved. We already know how this antipopulist reform model works. It’s useless to give pro-family speeches and at the same time defend a pension reform that’ll leave our elders destitute. Guedes, in his turn, is the founding banker of BTG Pactual, the investment bank that manages all of George Soros’ investments in Brazil. His technocratic economic team is full of bankers who work for, or have worked for, the major international banks connected with the Rothschild and other international elitist parasite families.

Besides being against the Brazilian nuclear bomb, the major instrumental guarantee of national sovereignty, Bolsonaro is an Atlanticist globalist. Faithful to his Atlanticist stance, he’s already promised unrestricted support for Israel and has also promised to close down the Palestinian Embassy and to transfer the Brazilian Embassy to Jerusalem. His Vice President, general Hamilton Mourão, has already promised Brazilian support for any American military intervention against our neighbour Venezuela. Bolsonaro opposes Bashar al-Assad and has already signaled that he intends to classify Hizbollah as a terrorist organization.

In Bolsonaro’s Government Plan, on page 32, he proposes to “exclude from the Constitution any restriction on private property rights, such as, for example, the 81 Amendment restrictions”.

What precisely is the 81th Constitutional Amendment, which Bolsonaro wishes to repel? It’s the Amendment that modified Article 243 of the Constitution, thus asserting that “[r]ural and urban properties on any region of the country where illegal psychotropic plantations or slave labor exploitation are found according to law will be expropriated and dedicated to land reform and popular housing programs, without reparations to the owner and irrespective of other sanctions according to law, observing, when suitable, the article 5”.

In other words, in defense of “private property”, Bolsonaro will make much easier the lives of great criminal landowners who exploit slave labour and the lives of those connected to the illegal drug trade.

In 2003, Bolsonaro lauded the death squads operating in the state of Bahia. In 2007, his son, Flavio Bolsonaro, presented a legislative project to legalize the so-called (paramilitary) militias in Rio de Janeiro.

This is the reason why the Abrahão David crime family, connected to the Russian and Israeli mobs and to illegal gambling, offered their support to Bolsonaro in Rio de Janeiro state. The aforementioned Flavio Bolsonaro campaigned together with these thugs and took part on a march in Nilopolis together with Farid Abrahão David, brother to the mobster Aniz Abrahão David, and Simão Sessin, their cousin.

Such are the connections behind Bolsonaro’s support for legalizing casinos and gambling. It must be said: the current militias and death squads are arms of organized crime and part of a mafia project to organize criminal operations, so as to “pacify” neighbourhoods so that drug dealing can operate on a more “civilized” way.

It is indeed useless to be so vocal about “law and order” without fighting against the real criminal barons, the very high echelon of crookedness and banditry. But such crime lords stand for Bolsonaro – in the same manner, they also align with the banksters and globalist and finance underworld representatives, such as Paulo Guedes himself (Bolsonaro’s right hand man).

There are many other examples and we shall dedicate ourselves to unmasking the “Myth”, as Bolsonaro’s fans call him – this false idol with feet of clay.

The Death of the Worker’s Party

What to say about the Worker’s Party (PT)? Let the dead bury their own dead.

The petista Left led us to Bolsonaro. All of their post-democratization political efforts led us to this very moment. We could say, with no fear of being wrong, that the objective conditions for Bolsonaro’s victory were built by the Worker’s Party consolidation as a hegemonic centre for popular struggles and by their electoral victories in the last four elections.

The petistas implemented and intensified the very macroeconomic policies of their PSDB (Social-Democratic Brazilian Party) predecessors, thus embracing a banking cartel and a project that basically deindustrialized Brazil and thus aggravated Brazil’s dependence on the global production system. Brazil became a hostage to agribusiness and commodity exports, while its productive forces were parasitized and vampirized almost to complete exhaustion.

To the masses, the Worker’s Party sold the illusion of a consumerism that was both undesirable and unsustainable – considering the jamming of our productive capacities. Such affair of things lead the masses to a fantastic utopia: they believed they belonged to a “new middle class” just because they were now able to buy on credit and, of course, paying the highest interest rates in the world.

Education was privatized, Health became a commodity, public investments were strangled and the government bet on unqualified job expansion, promoting an economic bubble which, when it burst, sank the whole country.

Under the Worker’s Party successive administrations the Brazilian people became even poorer, more subject to exploitation, ever more distant from its final independence. To keep its supremacy on the popular realm, the Worker’s Party demobilized the unions and placed their own stooges on every other tools the working class had at its disposal. Furthermore, the public security crisis and State’s indifference, on city, state and federal levels, led to a huge popular outrage – the worker, after all, pressured between robbers and drug dealers, is the main victim of urban violence – specially on the periphery and ghettos. Finally, the Worker’s Party joined a corruption scheme that fed big businessmen and allowed money laundering by organized crime and religious (neopentecostal) businesses.

Having nothing to offer Brazil, besides more efficient tools for the exploitation of our resources and our workforce by the national and international finance system, the Worker’s Party supported itself politically by trying to impose upon the whole of our population the dogmas of that cosmopolitan secular religion which is based on foreign mores and basically insults our people’s religiosity. It did so by financing pro-abortion movements and a radical feminist and LGBT militancy whose ideal society is absolutely alien to Brazilian cultural background and heritage.

To the economic exploitation of the people, the Worker’s Party and the liberal left that it represents added an ethic-behavioural oppression, pushing a post-modern identity agenda on Brazilians – even though such agenda collides with popular traditions.

In a general way, the progressive left claims to defend the masses, but hates everything the people believes in: its faith, its culture, its values. How could the liberal left be taken seriously then when they claim that crack users in “Crackolandia” (Sao Paulo city) aren’t being enslaved by addiction (an addiction which is exploited by drug dealers), but are, instead, just people exercising their freedom of choice? How could the liberal left be taken seriously when they defend the legalization of prostitution and all drugs?

The liberal left failed because it represents no one but the bankers and a middle class that sees itself as Western, rather than Brazilian. The Worker’s Party administrations, with all their betrayals, with all their contradictions, with all their compromises, and even their supposed successes, prepared the country for this very moment. By attempting to turn Brazil into a travesty of California, the Worker’s Party created its on enemy, who, in his turn, offered us Miami and Texas.

And they were warned. We’ve been saying for years that leftist progressive liberalism would throw us at the feet of the most reactionary and neoliberal neocon Right possible. We tried at every moment, since New Resistance – Brazil was founded, almost 4 years ago, to bring the Left to supporting the traditional moral values of Brazilian folk. We tried this because we knew that Brazil could only be saved by the alliance between social justice and moral conservatism. And at every step of the way we were criticized and attacked for it, even by that small part of the left that criticizes the “excesses” of the liberal left.

Paths of Reconstruction

What is to be done then? It’s necessary to build and cement a patriotic and populist camp – something that represents the real Deep Brazil and its values: public security and self-defense rights and the defense of the family against cosmopolitan liberalism as well as the defense of workers and the poorest against globalist capitalism and usury. A patriotic, conservative and labourist path, which bases itself on Christian social thought, on the Social Doctrine of the Church, on Distributism, and on the nationalism of men like Eneas Carneiro (right wing) and Leonel Brizola (left wing). A fourth path beyond liberalism, communism and fascism.

Those who really love the nation, also love its people. Nationalism without the defense of the people is just empty talk. And so is socialism without national sovereignty.

New Resistance – Brazil is working to build this path and we therefore call on left and right nationalists, serious conservatives, patriots, labourists and traditionalists to form such patriotic congregation. The differences amongst us are not so important. Let us only be concerned about one thing: to keep standing!

FREEDOM! JUSTICE! REVOLUTION!

Sources:

-https://exame.abril.com.br/brasil/temer-diz-que-da-para-aprovar-reforma-da-previdencia-se-bolsonaro-quiser/

-https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/poder/2018/06/em-2003-bolsonaro-parabenizou-grupos-de-exterminio-por-substituir-pena-de-morte-no-pais.shtml

-http://noticias.terra.com.br/brasil/noticias/0,,OI1477397-EI7896,00-Deputado+quer+legalizar+milicias+no+Rio.html

– https://oglobo.globo.com/rio/bicheiros-do-rio-se-unem-mafias-russa-israelense-3425484

-https://www.opovo.com.br/noticias/politica/ae/2018/10/familia-ligada-ao-jogo-do-bicho-apoia-bolsonaros-no-rio.html

-http://blogs.correiobraziliense.com.br/denise/equipe-de-bolsonaro-discute-legalizacao-de-cassinos-no-brasil/

– https://www.diariodocentrodomundo.com.br/olavo-de-carvalho-montou-uma-seita-com-mentiras-orgias-e-politica-o-relato-de-um-ex-aluno-do-guru-da-extrema-direita/

-https://interc.pt/2SpIXrD?fbclid=IwAR1u8UdMGvV0O5ZIMlFcv9D4lYT2VGDjdPbWfic73ym-YFIpESkyXHyQUA

-https://agenciadenoticias.ibge.gov.br/agencia-noticias/2012-agencia-de-noticias/noticias/21586-inseguranca-aumenta-restringe-direitos-e-ameaca-liberdade-no-pais

-https://epocanegocios.globo.com/Brasil/noticia/2018/04/brasil-mantem-1-lugar-em-ranking-de-percepcao-de-corrupcao.html

-https://www.contabeis.com.br/artigos/5024/desemprego-no-brasil-atinge-127-ou-seja-atinge-13-milhoes-de-brasileiros-que-expectativas-podemos-ter-como-encontrar-solucoes-praticas/

– https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2018/05/18/politica/1526612140_988427.html

-https://www.conversaafiada.com.br/tv-afiada/bolsonaro-bate-continencia-para-a-bandeira-americana

– https://www.sunoresearch.com.br/artigos/florian-bartunek/

– https://exateus.wordpress.com/2018/03/08/por-que-bolsonaro-nao-peita-george-soros/

-https://economia.estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,equipe-de-bolsonaro-estuda-dez-propostas-para-reforma-da-previdencia,70002564626

-https://www.correiobraziliense.com.br/app/noticia/politica/2018/10/28/interna_politica,715718/em-israel-bolsonaro-ganha-de-haddad-com-77-27-dos-votos-validos.shtml

-https://noticias.uol.com.br/politica/eleicoes/2018/noticias/agencia-estado/2018/10/29/politica-externa-de-bolsonaro-deve-mirar-os-estados-unidos-e-israel.htm

-https://www.opovo.com.br/noticias/politica/ae/2018/08/bolsonaro-diz-que-se-eleito-vai-retirar-embaixada-da-palestina-do-br.html

-https://www.esmaelmorais.com.br/2018/09/governo-bolsonaro-vai-intervir-militarmente-na-venezuela-afirma-general-mourao/

-https://oglobo.globo.com/brasil/bolsonaro-quer-acabar-com-desapropriacao-de-terras-flagradas-com-trabalho-escravo-22978658

-http://mercadopopular.org/2014/10/se-o-tripe-e-neoliberal-lula-e-o-campeao-de-neoliberalismo-brasil/

-https://economia.estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,mesmo-apos-tres-politicas-industriais-brasil-vive-desindustrializacao,108094e

-https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/fsp/cotidian/ff2404200501.htm

– http://gazetaweb.globo.com/gazetadealagoas/noticia.php?c=268282

-https://www.gazetadopovo.com.br/ideias/carta-de-haddad-aos-evangelicos-esconde-apoio-do-pt-ao-aborto-ao-kit-gay-e-a-ideologia-de-genero-8vyiex9yjqadg7s3gy4rsdi7l/

-https://veja.abril.com.br/economia/bancos-lucraram-8-vezes-mais-no-governo-de-lula-do-que-no-de-fhc/

 

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Interview With Diego Fusaro – Le Grand Continent – October 27th 2018

31 Wednesday Oct 2018

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2018, Diego Fusaro, Interview With Diego Fusaro, Le Grand Continent

Following the formation of the new Italian government, Le Figaro spoke with Diego Fusaro, “the theorist who inspired the campaign of the Five Star Movement.” If this definition probably exaggerates his influence, it is true that the Italian essayist has often used Beppe Grillo’s blog as a tribune to diffuse his ideas against the Euro, the financial dictatorship, the theory of gender, or mass immigration.

But television especially has given Fusaro a strong visibility, by investing him with the atypical role of the young philosopher who, with his citations from Marx and his formal, even pompous terminology, professes opinions half of which would suffice to destroy his reputation in France. In a recent article published in Corriere della Sera, the philosopher Donatella di Cesare, specialist in the thought of Martin Heidegger, denounced the xenophobia and antisemitism of this “reality television philosopher.”

The least we can say is that Fusaro has effectively succeeded in filling a void in the ideological camp, by intercepting a real political demand and proposing remedies to the old problems that torment Italian public opinion. Close to the Nouvelle Droite of Alain de Benoist, Diego Fusaro is nevertheless often presented by Italian media as “Marxist.” From his side, he prefers describing himself as an “independent disciple” of the German thinker, and he seems sincerely convinced that his ideas are left wing. We met with him in order to better understand the ideas that risk becoming hegemonic everywhere in Europe today.

Groupe d’études géopolitiques – What do you think of the new Italian government?

Diego Fusaro – On March 4th in Italy, it was neither the left nor the right who won, but the people singularly as a whole, who demonstrated that the categories of right and left are outmoded. Italy is a unique laboratory at this moment, as it has succeeded where other peoples failed: it has become the vanguard of the peoples of Europe. The “national mass,” according to Gramsci’s expression, the excluded from globalization expressed themselves against it. This result is positive because it outraged the masters of international finance, like George Soros. The reaction of the markets is the sign that Italy has done something revolutionary.

You speak often about Soros , why?

Soro’s activity is incessant! Through his Open Society Foundation he acted to tear down the USSR, then he orchestrated the privatizations of the Italian national patrimony. Today he is unbridled, as the class conflict has reached its apogee. The financial elite attacks sovereign states and the ethics of peoples: it’s a decisive moment. June 10th, Soros wrote on Twitter that he was furious against Italy and populism and he would redouble his efforts, by acting against Italy. That’s what he wrote, literally! This is the situation where we are, and that proves that Italy is doing well.

So you approve of Orban’s campaign against Soros?

They often say that it’s an antisemitic campaign, but it’s not about fighting Soros because he’s Jewish: that would obviously be very bad. We must fight Soros because he’s an ultracapitalist who buys countries and destabilizes governments with his “color revolutions.” Anyhow, Soros wasn’t chased from Hungary, he was just subjected to a tax increase. That’s the truth. I think that every people must free themselves from these cynical and rootless personalities that support the financial system.

The idea of deracination is often present in your writings and speeches. To explain the crisis, for example, you speak of a “deracinated financial aristocracy.”

In my latest book, I propose a new geography of class conflict: on top there is the deracinated financial class of the great lords of speculation, like Soros precisely, and on the bottom the new “slaves,” to cite Hegel, the national popular masses. In this oppressed class, the old proletariat described by Marx converges with the bourgeoisie. Today capitalism is financial aristocracy, which lives off its speculative rents and legalized frauds like the sub-prime mortgages in the United States.

Why do you say that the divide between the left and right is outmoded?

Globalized capitalism is an eagle with two wings: the first wing, it’s the right wing of money, which destroys the state, promotes mass immigration and works for the destruction of any ethical dimension in the Hegelian sense; the second wing, left wing of mores, which instead of hindering these tendencies, legitimizes them through its “superstructures,” to use Gramsci again. And so it tells us that the state should be torn down because it’s fascist, that the family should be destroyed because it’s homophobic, that we must always import new migrants. In summation, the left wing of mores legitimizes what the right wing of money asks it to. We must react. I propose a synthesis between the ideas of the left and the values of the right in name of the National Interest; it’s also the name of my association.

For you, what are these left wing values?

Labor, Solidarity, Defense of the Weakest, Community in the sense of Costanzo Preve.

And right wing values?

Family, Fatherland, State, Honor.

Regarding these right wing values, you’ve often denounced the theory of gender, could you reiterate your analysis for our readers?

The theory of gender embodies the project of the New World Order in the area of sexual mores. Its goal is to destroy the family, this “genetic cell” according to Hegel on which the entire society rests. Hegel told us that citizens are a universal family in the state. So the project of the globalists is to destroy the family and the state, the family as genetic cell and state as “the fulfillment of ethics.”

In order to do that, they destroy the basis of the family, that is to say sexual difference, through the ideology of sexual postmodernism which negates identities. In the same fashion that the liberal destroys the state, the gender fluid libertine attacks the family. Thus only atoms remain in a context of erotic free exchange without bonds. The family is dissolved and there only remains an atomized system of pleasure seeking individuals, without ethical value or stable bonds.

You also speak of “feminization” or “de-virilization.” How does the reading of Marx and Hegel, who you claim for yourself, lead you to these conclusions?

These authors are precisely the remedy against the de-virilization in progress! Because de-virilization bases itself on the destruction of man, who is a political animal as Aristotle said: so man doesn’t exist as a simple atom but in relation to the community. De-virilization precedes the atomization of society, that is to say the opposite of the “community” of which Aristotle, Hegel, and Marx spoke. Today there is only the omnipotent atomized individual, animated by an unlimited consumerist will to power whose consequence is “gender fluidity,” this idea that everyone can quite simply decide if he is a man, a transgender woman, or who knows what! They present it to us as a form of emancipation, but on the contrary it’s the acme of capitalism: we become pure asexual consumers without identity.

What the political forces in Italy that converge on this defense of traditional values?

I avoid utilizing this word “traditional values.” For me what counts before all are the solid and communitarian roots of society, what Hegel called “ethical roots;” the family of course but also unions, school, health-care, and especially the sovereign and national state. So we must denounce capitalism as Marx did and reclaim ethics with Hegel. These themes have been reprised by the Lega and the Five Star Movement, who understand that globalist capitalism is an evil, so we must react. But in Italy this camp is still too fragmented: there is People of the Family, the souverainistes, but we need a unitary vision to guide this revolt against globalized society. We must start from Hegel, in order to defend communities.

Have your ideas, which could have been considered extremist a few years ago, become hegemonic in Italy today?

They are the ideas that my teacher Costanzo Preve defended, which are defended in France by Alain de Benoist: they are left wing ideas with right wing values, and they are actually in the process of becoming hegemonic. For me “hegemonizing” the public debate means, according to the Gramscian technique, patiently creating a shared horizon of struggle against capitalism, by bringing together individuals who come from very different political horizons to create a counter-culture that becomes increasingly consensual, utilizing the spaces left by television, the press, and publishing to overthrow this singular thought [Translator’s Note: The original French term « pensée unique » is difficult to translate exactly, under the rule of « pensée unique » everyone must think the same. « Pensée unique » can be compared to « monnaie unique », « marché unique », « Dieu unique », etc.] that dominates us. We are in the process of achieving it, look at Salvini and Di Maio: they have metabolized some of our ideas.

Do you see other convergences with French intellectuals?

I have admiration for Serge Latouche, with whom I’m in contact. I don’t truly adhere to the cause of de-growth, but I appreciate that it understands the need to impose limits on triumphant capitalism. I was in contact with the late André Tosel. And I admire Jean-Claude Michéa a lot. But the thinker closest to me is, doubtlessly, Alain de Benoist.

In an article published online last year, you denounced a project to replace the European population that was conceived in 1953 by Count Kalergi, a conspiracy theory that has had a certain success on the Italian web …

I didn’t say that there was a real conspiracy behind this replacement! But Count Kalergi put down the logic of the dominant class in black and white in his “Practical Idealism”: of course it’s done to lower the cost of labor through relocation and mass immigration. So immigration is evidently a weapon in the hands of this dominant class: it’s a mass deportation bringing millions of African slaves to Europe.

You often denounce the role of NGOs that operate in the Mediterranean …

The NGOs are instruments of mass deportation: they want us to believe that they act in the name of civil society, but in truth they are on sale to the private interests of the lords of globalism who always want more immigration.

What’s your idea to resolve the migrant crisis?

We must go to the root of the problem. These migrations were provoked by the bombings of Libya, so we must firstly cease these types of imperialist practices. Until 2011 there was a legitimate government: Gadaffi had a few flaws of course, but he’s still preferable to what happened after. And you, in France, don’t you ever ask why these migrants arriving from Africa speak your language? I’ll tell you. They didn’t do Erasmus [Translator’s Note: Erasmus is an EU student exchange program] or get into the École normale supérieure: they come from your colonies.

Should the fact that you’ve written in Le primato nazionale, organ of the movement Casapound that claims a “fascism for the third millennium,” be interpreted as a form of adhesion to this movement?

I’ve also written for the daily papers such as La Stampa and Il Fatto, which have very different political positions, much more centrist. For me, fascism and anti-fascism are on the same level: two forms of stupidity that globalized capitalism uses to distract the masses. It’s a way to stoke conflicts and prevent people from seeing the real enemies. But what is anti-fascism worth today when the fascist threat isn’t real? Today anti-fascism has become a tool of the glamorous and cosmopolitanism left to defend capitalism. And when fascism really appears, for example during the Ukrainian coup d’état in 2014, our Eurocratic left applauds it! And the only one to combat it gloriously, named Putin, is treated as a fascist himself! It’s the height [of hypocrisy]. Anti-fascism is a weapon of legitimation for capitalism, an article from the catalog of the politically correct cosmopolitan.

After your philosophical studies, you were no longer affiliated with any university, how do you explain that?

Singular thought expels everything that is foreign to it. In other times, I would have probably been burned at the stake like Giordano Bruno, or killed like Socrates. I endure the contempt of the cosmopolitan intelligentsia. Nevertheless today I teach courses in an “institute of higher learning,” the IASSP, an “independent doctoral school.” There we want to create a school of non-aligned thought, with professors such as Emanuele Severino and the anti-Euro economist Alberto Bagnai, elected with the League. I am also going to teach courses in economics at the “European School of Economics” in Florence. As you can see, new spaces are created with willpower. It’s what Gramsci called the “the optimism of the will.”

Is your economic vision inspired by Marx?

I’m not interested in Marx the economist, but in Marx the philosopher: the Marx of the theory of alienation, of the perversion of mankind in the face of capitalism, the Marx who thought in Hegelian categories. In sum, the idealist philosopher. My thesis, which was Costanzo Preve’s, is that Marx’s materialism is nothing other than a metaphor. Basically, he was a Hegelian in his conception of historical totality; and a Fichtean concerning praxis.

Some time ago you defended the need to create an Italian National Front. Are you a philosopher or a militant?

I am a militant in the sense of Fichte, as I’m an intellectual who thinks within society and acts within society. But I have no party membership card, I’m in dialogue with all parties who are willing to discuss, while having my independent association for the defense of the national interest. I think that the relation between Italy and Europe must be reversed: we must stop being subject to Europe, our voice must be heard.

I want a Europe of free peoples, each with its specificities, that is to say the opposite of present day Europe, which destroys identities in order to replace them through a singular anglophone model, the consumer of merchandise, using a postmodern currency that doesn’t recall anything about the histories of the peoples. You realize: before, the portraits of the great personalities of Italian history were engraved on our currency!

Do you fear the consequences of leaving the Euro?

What I fear, it’s the consequences of remaining in it. There is a European ideology, as Marx said there was a “German ideology”: moreover, the two coincide because the European Union serves the interests of the Germans. European ideology tells us that we are subject to a tragic fate if we dare leave the Euro. And yet, look at what tragedies are happening within the Euro: lost wages, the reduction of social rights, tragedies for peoples like in Greece.

I say that the only measure that can guarantee workers’ interests is the return to economic sovereignty. We need a social souverainisme as Jacques Sapir said. We can even say a left wing social souverainisme if we want to use this category, which is not mine. But I’ll be clear that souverainisme has nothing to do with fascism.

Then why do the Lega and the Five Star Movement no longer speak of leaving the Euro since the election?

Because it’s the most difficult thing, we must put the whole European System into question. But I don’t think that this project has been definitely abandoned, on the contrary it has been hidden, as the economist Paolo Savona argued for with his “plan B.”

You’ve often displayed your sympathy for Vladimir Putin. Do you think that Europe’s destiny is Eurasian, like many of your fellow travelers?

Absolutely, because we must liberate ourselves from Atlanticist domination. The European Union is a base of cultural, economic, and social Americanization of our old continent. In Italy we have 115 American military bases, so if Washington decides to bomb Belgrade, Rome must acquiesce like a zombie. I think that Putin’s Russia has a fundamental role to play to guarantee multipolarity by resisting imperialist Atlanticism today. Obama said “Yes, we can,” and Putin responds to him: “No, you can’t.” That’s the great historical mission of Putin’s Russia.

Maybe that explains your proximity with Alexander Dugin … Must we believe that beyond the national cultures you defend, transnational political convergences exist?

Certainly. I have many relations with France, Germany, and Russia, including relations with Dugin, of course, with whom I participated in a conference last week. I support the cultural solidarity of peoples in order to defend their nations. Thus a Europe composed of sovereign states, in contrast to this Europe that murders peoples and their working classes.

One last question: why do you speak in such an archaic and stodgy Italian?

It’s my form of resistance to the global newspeak of the markets, mercantile English with its austerity and spending review. I respond to this Orwellian nightmare with what I call “Old Testament language”: a language made of outmoded words, which are not normally utilized on Facebook or Twitter, a language that recalls the language of Dante and Machiavelli, Giovanni Gentile and Antonio Gramsci. It’s a conscious choice, a cultural reaction to the dominant Anglophone barbarism. I believe that every people, as Hegel said so well, has the right to speak its own national language, because without a national language we would lose our relationship with things and become foreigners in our own Fatherland.

Source: https://legrandcontinent.eu/2018/10/27/nous-avons-rencontre-diego-fusaro/

Interview on Ernst Jünger – Julien Hervier – PHILITT – March 15th 2018

28 Tuesday Aug 2018

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2018, Ernst Jünger, Interview on Ernst Jünger, Julien Hervier, Philitt

On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of Ernst Jünger’s death, PHILITT spoke with Julien Hervier, his translator, friend, and biographer who reflected on the life of one of the great German writers of 20th century.

PHILITT: Ernst Jünger is known today for his war writings which would establish him as a major author, from his first book Storms of Steel, published in 1920. The war was destruction but also revelation for him. What did it reveal to him?

Julien Hervier: The truth of the Man. At the start of the Great War, Ernst Jünger was a young man from a bourgeois family, adventurous and psychologically unstable. He was immersed in the Christian morality proper to the society of his time, although his family was rather distant from religion and his father was a fervent rationalist. In the course of the conflict, he discovered what Freud had perfectly analyzed in the same era, but far from the fighting: the unleashing of instinct that breaks all moral barriers erected by civilization. It revealed itself to him without God – he then call himself totally atheist – man was disoriented in the moral scheme. There is, on this subject, a beautiful passage from his novel Lieutenant Sturm: the hero seduces a young prostitute and confesses his instinct to kill and his violent impulses during the assault. It’s as if he was seeking a form of forgiveness in which absolution is given, not by a priest, but by a benign person. We can compare this reaction with an episode from Ernest Hemingway’s famous novel For Whom the Bell Tolls, in it an old Republican peasant dramatically describes the loss of his belief in God; he finds its leaves him helpless before the necessities of war, as if he sees himself forced to kill, to whom could he confess his error and how would he be absolved of his sins?

PHILITT: What was Jünger’s place in this intellectual abundance of the interwar German Conservative Revolution?

Julien Hervier: Following the war, there was a whole nebula of extremist movements, on the right as well as on the left, which spent their time dividing themselves. Ernst Jünger collaborated with a certain number of small magazines on the nationalist right. He then appeared as one of the most remarkable personalities of this movement, because of his glorious war experience, symbolized by his exceptional decoration “Pour le mérite.” This decoration was actually given to numerous superior officers, but very rarely to simple infantry lieutenants. He possessed an exceptional combatant’s prestige which would then serve to protect him from Hitler. Moreover, intellectually, he was considered the most brilliant writer in this nebula. From the point of view of style or thought, he is incontestably the most prestigious. In the philosophical scheme, his brother Friedrich Georg had received a much deeper philosophical education than his; furthermore Heidegger considered him a better philosopher than Ernst. But very rapidly, from his arrival on the front, he was seriously wounded and thus didn’t have the occasion to distinguish himself and attain the same military prestige as his brother. Younger and not having experienced the war, though having combat experience in the Freikorps, Ernst von Salomon was also a representative writer of this German right, but he doesn’t situate himself on the same literary level.

PHILITT: Jean-Pierre Faye, in the line of Albert Béguin, didn’t hesitate to write “Thus three friends, Schmitt, Jünger, Heidegger – the strange trio of thinkers – contributed to the language of this Reich that devastated Europe in the Second World War.” What response do you have to these excessive, to say the least, statements?

Julien Hervier: You know Talleyrand’s quote: “All that is excessive is insignificant.” What Faye wrote is purely ideological and of little interest. Here we’re denying a complex reality. What is true on the other hand, it’s that there were degrees of compromise more or less elevated. The altitude at which Carl Schmitt’s thought moves is undeniable, but he was also a careerist eager for honors and success. And at the level of simple moral decency, the moral decency of Orwell or Camus, he behaved in an inadmissible manner when he justified the massacres of the “Night of the Long Knives” by raison d’État. His initial engagement on the side of Hitler was indeed scandalous, even if he then became more critical and ended up being viewed negatively by the regime. Heidegger was in turn a philosopher who didn’t understand what Nazism really was. Against a flood of scientist and purely materialist enthusiasm for technical progress, especially among the Anglo-Saxons and Russians, he thought that this new German party could allow the philosophy of being to resist decline. It’s quite clear that he could only have been disappointed; furthermore he recognized this major error, this “big mistake.” Ernst Jünger, unlike the other two, never joined the Nazi party; and his allegorical novel On The Marble Cliffs was considered at the time, as much by Hitler’s partisans as by his enemies, as a novel of opposition to the Führer, as a work of resistance. The judgment of his contemporaries has more weight than ours.

PHILITT: The Soldier, the Worker, the Rebel, the Anarch, all of these are at the heart of Jünger’s work. What do they tells us about his era?

Julien Hervier: The Worker (Arbeiter in German) is a figure linked to the evolution of technical thought, itself arising from the philosophical thought of the West. It is part of a historical logic of the development of Western civilization, and the man of technology is currently present everywhere. Nevertheless, we must be specific: translated into French, Arbeiter can also have a very particular meaning: that of “worker,” especially since the industrial revolution as analyzed by Karl Marx. But the Jüngerian Arbeiter is a vaster figure, he can also be a general as much as a businessman. Jünger defines him as someone whose values come from technology and its prodigious development over the past past three centuries. He’s a figure of reference, ontological in nature, linked to the essence of civilization. The figures of the Rebel or the Anarch are moral figures. In order to define them, Jünger often used the image of the Leviathan, to which they are contrasted. Leviathan, such as the state conceived by Hobbes in the 17th century, or the present technological state, a state whose omnipotence we see reinforcing itself, thanks to modern means of control over the individual. We are in a world where Big Brother’s control is pervasive and resistance is needed. The “Rebel”, it’s a French translation, but the original German word, der Waldgänger, evokes someone who seeks refuge in the forests. It’s for that reason that in French the book is entitled “Treatise on the Rebel or the Recourse to the Forests.” Jünger refers to the old Icelandic practices in which rebellious people banished from society found refuge in the forests. But Jünger always insisted that, in the modern world, the Rebel doesn’t necessarily hide in nature but he can hide in the most populous cities, camouflaged in the eyes of the state. With the Anarch, he wanted to go further in his analysis of resistance. It must totally shift in relation to the scale of value they seek to impose on us. If we only want to invert it, we are lost, as Montherlant pleasantly wrote: “There is nothing that resembles a torpedo boat more than a destroyer.” Starting from the moment where you accept the problem as posed by your adversary, you are lost. You only reverse his values. The Anarch refuses this game. He doesn’t create a party, and this sense, he distinguishes himself from the anarchist. He is alone while the anarchists are part of a collective movement.

PHILITT: Reading his Parisian Journals, one is instantly struck by a certain passivity, a comfortable atonia during the Second World War. The man of action then disappeared, replaced by the contemplative spirit that he would remain until the end of his life?

Julien Hervier: Jünger couldn’t show what he thought. In a totalitarian regime, if you say that you’re against it, you are immediately shot or sent to a concentration camp. So showing his opposition in an explicit manner would be suicidal and useless. So he only followed the assassination attempt planned by Stauffenberg from afar. He could have still been executed as an accomplice if they reported him; it was punishable by death, even if he was not actively engaged in the operation. One of the motifs of his mission in the Caucasus, at the end of 1942, was to gauge the reactions of officers on the Eastern front, in case of an attempt against Hitler. Furthermore, high treason against the state was incompatible with his vision of the soldier. In his journal he mentions the Roman general Coriolanus, the subject of Shakespeare’s play, who revolted against his country and dreads his fate.

PHILITT: Regarding his work, Jünger mentions “an old and a new testament.” Do you share this vision of two Jüngers?

Julien Hervier: It’s true that an enormous difference exists between the young 20 year old thirsting for action who found the bourgeois world stifling, and the man who matured and became a sort of old sage, absorbed by his research on insects whose progressive disappearance he deplored in an ecological spirit. His evolution is incontestable.

PHILITT: You just wrote a book on Drieu la Rochelle. Une histoire de désamours (Gallimard); what intellectual and personal links did the two men entertain in Paris during the Occupation?

Julien Hervier: They only met rarely, but Drieu la Rochelle had an admiration for the author of Storms of Steel. It was a reciprocal esteem. Rapidly wounded on the field of battle many times, the French writer spent relatively little time on the front; on the contrary, Ernst Jünger fought for the entire duration of the entire war, despite numerous wounds. Their service records had nothing to do with each other, even if Drieu was also very courageous and experienced the exaltation of war. For him, modern war has two aspects: the exhalation of the charge, when he took part in the assault on Charleroi; and panicked terror in the face of the superpower of technology, which expresses itself in his cry of absolute terror at Verdun, under the bombardments that they had to passively endure. This battle embodied all the horror of modern industrial war. What brings these two writers closer together is both the exaltation of physical courage and the vision of war as the revealer of human truth. Neither of them were followers of Rousseau, neither of them believed in fundamental human goodness. However, they diverged on their analyses regarding technology. As from a certain side, we can consider The Worker as an apology for technology: Jünger considers it as something that imposes itself with the same obvious character as the laws of nature. The evolution of Western society cannot escape it. We observe it even more today: for example, how to organize de-growth today, without putting millions of people into unemployment? We are caught in the gears, the world has entered into total dependence on technology. The two authors were great readers of Nietzsche but on this precise point, at the time where he wrote The Worker, Jünger was more Nietzschean than Drieu, as for him, we must day yes to the state of the world as it is. It’s useless to oppose it.

PHILITT: Novalis, the poet, the figure of Romanticism from Jena, exercised a considerable influence on Jünger. Was he the last of the German Romantics?

Julien Hervier: There is indeed an entire aspect that underlines Ernst Jünger’s romanticism, particularly concerning the dimension of the dream. He presents very beautiful narratives of them in his journal. His most beautiful novel, in my opinion, On the Marble Cliffs is also a reinterpreted dream. A dream that he had during a voyage to Rhodes by boat which is not far from the visions of the Apocalypse in the Christian tradition. This dimension of the dream, of the relation to nature, to the unconscious, this refusal of a mechanized vision of the world: all this links him with the German Romantics but also the French symbolists. He is much closer to Rimbaud and Baudelaire, who he admired, than the French Romantics.

PHILITT: We are very familiar with Jünger the warrior, but much less so with Jünger the dabbler in drugs. What was he seeking in what he called “psychonautics?”

Julien Hervier: Precisely, he sought to break the purely rational and materialist comprehension of the world. He was a man of risk who wanted to touch the boundaries. He wanted to see what was on the other side. As much on the field of battle, in violent action, as in the framework of psychological experimentation, but always under the control of instruments of reason. Thus he had did first LSD experiments with his friend Albert Hoffman, the inventor of this drug, and practiced these experiences under strict medical control.

PHILITT: A writer who converted to Catholicism at the end of his life but whose writings nevertheless reveal a profound pagan mystique, what was the place of religion in his life?

Julien Hervier: Having spoken with his wife about it, I can affirm that his conversion to Catholicism at the end of his life was purely social. The Catholic readers of Jünger often want to imagine this moment as a true conversion. But Jünger’s entire body of work tends to show that there is a religious dimension and a form of spirituality among all peoples. He was not far from believing that it was of little import if one worships the Christian Trinity, Jehovah, or Allah … Thus there are texts by him where he says he’s willing to adopt the religion of the place where he finds himself: if he had lived in a Muslim country, he would be a Muslim. In his elderly years, he was perfectly integrated in the Swabian and Catholic world of Wilflingen, whose parish priest he was close to. He believed that in contemporary Western civilization, where death was skirted around, Christian religion remained capable of honoring human beings when they passed. In this sense, his interment was one of solemnity and grandiose simplicity. That’s Chateaubriand genius of Christianity. That’s the reasons for his conversion.

PHILITT: How would you analyze the difference in the perceptions of his work between France and Germany?

Julien Hervier: He’s read a lot more in Germany than in France, even if, among us, there is a little circle of people inspired by Jünger. But in comparison with Germany, his readers are relatively less there. In the “Society of Friends of Ernst and Friedrich Georg Jünger”, there are very few French people. Only three or four of us are coming to the Heiligkreuztal colloquium this year where I’ve sometimes found myself to be the only French person. For a long time, in France, we appreciated literary quality above the political opinions of writers. People hardly questioned their political color then. In Germany, after the fall of Nazism, the question was much more sensitive; unfortunately in France as well, now we’re tending to enter in this logic. Just look at the problems currently posed by Céline and Maurras, though nevertheless commemorations do not mean that we admire people, only that we recognize the importance of the historical role they played. In this domain, the contemporary French mentality tends to blandly join the German mentality.

Source: https://philitt.fr/2018/03/15/julien-hervier-pour-ernst-junger-le-monde-est-entre-dans-la-dependance-totale-de-la-technique/

Monika Berchvok Speaks With Robert Steuckers – Euro-Synergies – May 8th, 2018

09 Thursday Aug 2018

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2018, Celticism, Henning Eichberg, Jean Thiriart, Monika Berchvok Speaks With Robert Steuckers, Robert Steuckers

Following the publication of Pages celtiques by éditions du Lore and the trilogy Europa by éditions Bios of Lille, Monika Berchvok subjected the author of these works, Robert Steuckers, to a rapid fire volley of questions, showing that even the rebels of the young generation of the 2010s want to know the oldest roots of this silent revolt which is growing across all of Europe. Monika Berchvok previously interviewed Robert Steuckers during the publication of La Révolution conservatrice allemande by éditions du Lore in 2014.

Your career is extremely intellectually wealthy. What is the origin of your engagement?

To speak of intellectual wealth is certainly exaggerated: I am above all a man of my generation, to whom they still taught the “basics”, which today, alas, have disappeared from academic curricula. I experienced my childhood and adolescence in a world that was still marked by quiet tradition, the mores and manners were not those of the industrial world or the service sector, where we increasingly separate from concrete and tangible reality, increasingly acquiring an unbounded pretension and arrogance against “provincials,” like me, who remain anchored in the muck of reality with their heavy boots (yes, yes, that’s from Heidegger…). My father, who really hadn’t been to school, except to the primary school in his Limburg village, wanted nothing to do with the fashions and crazes that agitated our contemporaries in the 1960s and 70s; “all fafouls,” he claimed, “fafoul” being a Brussels dialect term used to designate idiots and cranks. I lived in a home without television, far from and hostile to the mediocre little universe of the pop tune, variety show, and hippy or yéyé subculture. I still thank my progenitor, 25 years after his death, for having been able to totally resist the miserable abjection of all those years where decline advanced in giant steps. Without television, it goes without saying, I had a lot of time to read. Thanks Papa.

Next, I was a gifted student in primary school but fundamentally lazy and desperately curious, the only life saver, to avoid ending up a tramp or a prole, was learning languages to a competent level because, in Brussels, I lived on a street where they spoke the three national languages (and the dialectical variants), with the Russian of a few former White officers and their children who wound up in our fair city in addition. With this linguistic plurality, the task was already half done. Clément Gstadler, a neighbor, an old Alsatian teacher who had ended up in Belgium, told me, donning his ever present traditional hat of the Thann countryside and with a razor sharp Teutonic accent: “My boy, we are as many times men as languages we know.” Strengthened by this tirade hammered into me by Gstadler, I thus enrolled, at the age of eighteen, in Germanic philology and then in the school of translators – interpreters.

The origin of my engagement is the will to remain faithful to all these brave men that we consider anachronistic today. On their certitudes, under siege, we must erect a defensive structure, which we hope will become offensive one day, resting on principles diametrically opposed to the hysterics of the trendy people, to construct in our hearts an alternative, impregnable fortress, that we are determined never to give up.

How do you define your metapolitical combat?

Dilthey, with whom the alternative minded of our type unfortunately aren’t familiar enough, partially constructed his philosophical system around one strong simple idea: “We only define what is dead, the things and facts whose time has definitively ended.” This fight is not over because I haven’t yet passed from life to death, doubtlessly in order to thwart those who my stubbornness displeases. It is evident, as a child of the 1950s and 60s, that my first years of life unfolded in an era where we wanted to throw everything away. It’s of course a gesture that I found stupid and unacceptable.

Retrospectively, I can say that I felt, in my young mind, that religion left the scene as soon as it renounced Latin and the spirit of the crusader, very present in Belgium, even among peaceful, calm, authors, like a certain Marcel Lobet, totally forgotten today, doubtlessly because of the excessive moderation of his words, nevertheless ultimately invigorating for those who knew how to capture their deep meaning. The philosopher Marcel Decorte, in his time, noted that society was disintegrating and that it was collapsing into “dissociety,” a term that we find again today, even in certain left wing circles, to designate the present state of our countries, weakened by successive waves of “civilizational negationism,” such as the ideology of Mai 68, New Philosophy, neo-liberal pandemonium, or gender ideology, all “dissociative” phenomena, or vectors of “dissociation,” which today converge in the Macronist imposture, mixing together all these baneful delusions, seven decades after opening Pandora’s Box. Thus the metapolitical combat must be a combat that unceasingly exposes the perverse nature of these civilizational negationisms, continuously denouncing above all the outfits, generally based beyond the Atlantic, that fabricate them in order to weaken European societies to create a new humanity, totally formatted according to “dissociative” criteria, negators of reality as it is (and cannot be otherwise, as the relevant philosopher Clément Rosset remarked, who unfortunately passed away in recent weeks). To make a metaphor with the ancient world, I would say that a metapolitical combat, in our sense, consists of, as the European history expert of Radio Courtoisie Thomas Ferrier said, putting all these negationisms in Pandora’s Box, from which they sprang, then closing it.

You mention “bio-conservatism” in your recent works? What does this term cover?

I didn’t mention “bio-conservatism.” My editor, Laurent Hocq of Editions Bios, believes that it’s a path we will need to explore, precisely in order to fight “civilizational negationisms,” notably all the elements that deny the corporeality of man, his innate phylogenetics, and his ontology. For me a well conceived bio-conservatism must go back to the implicit sociology that Louis de Bonald sketched in the 19th century, critiquing the individualist drift of the Enlightenment philosophers and the French Revolution. Romanticism, in its non-ethereal or tearful aspects, insists on the organicity, vitalist and biological, of human and social phenomena. We must couple these two philosophical veins – traditional conservative realism and organic Romanticism – and then connect them to the more recent and more scientifically established achievements of biocybernetics and systems theory, while avoiding falling into perverse social engineering as desired by the Tavistock Institute, whose cardinal role in the elaboration of all forms of brain washing that we’ve endured for more than sixty years was investigated by the “conspiracy theorist” Daniel Estulin, now living in Spain. The “Tavistockians” used biocybernetics and systems theory to impose a “depoliticized” culture across the Western world. Today these disciplines can be perfectly mobilized to “re-politicize” culture. Laurent Hocq wants to initiate this work of metapolitical mobilization with me. We will have to mobilize people competent in these domains to complete the task.

At the end of the road, rethinking “bio-conservatism” is nothing more or less than the will to restore a “holistic” society in the best sense of the term as quickly as possible, that is to say a society that defends itself and immunizes itself against the fatal hypertrophies leading us to ruin, to degradation: economic hypertrophy, juridical hypertrophy (the power of manipulative and sophist jurists), the hypertrophy of the services sector, hypertrophy of petty moralism detached from reality, etc.

Localism is also a theme that often reoccurs in your recent books. For you the return to the local has an identitarian dimension, as well as a social and ecological one?

Localism or the “vernacular” dimensions of human societies that function harmoniously, according to timeless rhythms, are more necessary than ever at a time where a sagacious geographer such as Christophe Guilluy notes the decline of “France from below”, the marvelous little provincial towns that are dying before our eyes because they no longer offer a sufficient number of local jobs and because their light industry has been relocated and dispersed to the four corners of the planet.

Attention to localism is an urgent necessity in our time, in order to respond to a terrifying evil of neo-liberalism that has expanded since Thatcher’s accession to power in Great Britain and all the fatal policies that the imitators of this “Iron Lady” have seen fit to import into Europe and elsewhere in the world.

The refusal of the migratory “great replacement” happens through an understanding of immigration movements in the era of total globalization. How can the tendency of migratory flows be reversed?

By not accepting them, quite simply. We are a stubborn phalanx and it is imperative that our stubbornness become contagious, taking on the appearance of a global pandemic.

Nevertheless, when you mention the fact that there must be an “understanding of migratory movements,” you indirectly underline the necessity of deeply understanding the contexts from which these migrants come. For half a century, and even longer since Mai 68 had antecedents in the two decades that preceded it, we have been fattened on junk culture, of inane varieties, which occupies our minds with time consuming spectacles and prevents them from concentrating on things as real as they are essential. A good state is a state that inquires about the forces at work in the world. Whether migratory flows are accepted or not, every host state, guided by a healthy vision of things, should draw up an economic, ethnic, and social cartography of the populations coming from the emigrants’ countries.

For Africa, that means understanding the economic state of each migrant exporting country, the possible system of kleptocracy that reigns there, the ethnic components (and the conflicts and alliances that result from them), the history of each of these political or anthropological phenomena, etc. This knowledge must then be delivered by an honest press to the citizens of our countries, so that they can make judgments about credible pieces and not be forced to vote according to unremitting propaganda based on inconsistent slogans.

For Syria we should have known, before the waves of refugees spilled into Europe, the religious and tribal structures of the country in a very precise manner: actually, the media, generally uncultivated and dependent on the “junk culture” imposed on us for decades, discovered the Syrian divisions that had been ignored until now. Only a handful among us has a clear notion of who the Alawites or Yezidis are, knows that the Syrian Christian communities have complicated divisions, understands the tacit alliance that unites Alawites with Twelver Shiites, understands that the principal enemy of the Ba’athist political system is the Muslim Brotherhood, which fomented the terrible disorders of 1981-1982 that ravaged Syria in the time of Hafez al-Assad, father of the current president. In short, the general public knows nothing about the complexity of Syria. The only bone it has to gnaw is the slogan that decrees Assad is a horrible monster, fit to be eliminated by fundamentalist assassins or American bombs.

For Africa, the only means of reducing the waves of refugees, real or solely economic, would be to put an end to evidently very kleptocratic regimes, in order to fix the populations on their native soil by redirecting sums of money toward infrastructural investment. In certain more precise cases, that would also happen through a return to a subsistence agricultural economy and a partial and well regulated abandonment of monoculture which doesn’t properly nourish populations, especially those that have opted for rural exodus towards the cities and sprawling slums, like Nigeria for example.

For Syria, we should have established a filter to sort refugees but that would have, ipso facto, privileged Muslim or Christian communities allied to the regime, to the detriment of the hostile social classes, who are totally un-integrable into our European societies, because the Salafism that animates them is viscerally hostile to all forms of syncretism and all cultures that do not correspond to it 100%. Moreover, as a general rule, the reception of migratory flows coming from countries where there are dangerous mafias is not recommended even if these countries are European like Sicily, Kosovo, Albania, or certain Caucasian countries. All immigration should pass through a well established anthropological screening process and not be left to chance, at the mercy of the “invisible hand” like the one that all the liberals expect the world to be perfected by. Non-discernment in the face of migratory flows has transformed this constant of human history into a catastrophe with unpredictable repercussions in its current manifestations, as evidently these flows do not bring us a better society but create a deleterious climate of inter-ethnic conflict, unbridled criminality, and latent civil war.

Reversing the tendency of migratory flows will happen when we finally implement a program of triage for migrations, aiming for the return of criminals and mafiosos, the psychologically unbalanced (that they deliberately send here, the infrastructure capable of accommodating them being non-existent in their countries of origin), politicized elements that seek to import political conflicts foreign to us. Such a policy will be all the more difficult to translate into daily reality where the imported mass of migrants is too large. Then we cannot manage it in proper conditions.

You knew Jean Thiriart. Does his political vision of a “Great Europe” still seem relevant?

Jean Thiriart was firstly a neighbor for me, a man who lived in my neighborhood. I can note that behind the sturdy and gruff sexagenarian hid a tender heart but bruised to see humanity fall into ridicule, triviality, and cowardice. I didn’t know the activist Thiriart because I was only twelve when he abandoned his political combat at the end of the 1960s. This combat, which extended over a short decade starting from Belgium’s abandonment of the Congo and the tragic epilogue of the war in Algeria for the French, two years later. Thiriart was motivated by a well developed general idea: abolish the Yalta duopoly, which made Europe hemiplegic and powerless, and send back the Americans and Soviets in succession in order to allow the Europeans to develop independently. He belonged to a generation that had entered politics, very young, at the end of the 1930s (the emergence of Rexism, the Popular Front, the war in Spain, the Stalinist purges, Anschluss, the end of the Czechoslovakia born at Versailles), experienced the Second World War, the defeat of the Axis, the birth of the state of Israel, the coup in Prague, and the blockade in Berlin in 1948, the Korean War, and the end of Stalinism.

Two events certainly contributed to steer them towards an independentist European nationalism, different in sentiment from the European nationalism professed by the ideologues of the Axis: the Hungarian Revolt of 1956 and the Suez campaign, the same year, the year of my birth in January. The West, subjugated by Washington, did nothing to aid the unfortunate Hungarians. Worse, during the Suez affair, the Americans and the Soviets forced the French and British to unconditionally withdraw from the Egyptian theater of operations. Thiriart, and a good number of his companions, temporary or not, observed that the duopoly had no desire to dissolve itself or even to fight each other, to modify one way or the other the line of the Iron Curtain that cut Europe across its center, to tolerate any geopolitical affirmation on the part of European powers (even if they were members of the UN Security Council like France and the United Kingdom). The decolonization of the Congo also demonstrated that the United States was unwilling to support the Belgian presence in central Africa, despite the fact that Congolese uranium underpinned the nuclear supremacy of Washington since the atom bombs fabricated in order to bring Japan to its knees in 1945. A little history, Hergé’s brother was the only Belgian military officer not to chicken out and he showed an arrogant hostility to the NATO troops who came to take control of his Congolese base.

One thing leading to another, Thiriart would create the famous movement “Jeune Europe” that would inject many innovations into the discourse of the activist milieu and contest the established order of what one could classify as the extreme-right in its conventional forms, petty nationalists or Poujadists. The “habitus” of the extreme-right did not please Thiriart at all, who judged them unproductive and pathological. A reader of the great classics of the realist politics, especially Machiavelli and Pareto, he wanted to create a small hyper-politicized phalanx, rationally proceeding from truly political criteria and not thin emotions, creating only behavioral indiscipline. This political hyper-realism implied thinking in terms of geopolitics, having a knowledge of the general geography of the planet. This wish was realized in Italy alone, where the magazine Eurasia of his disciple and admirer Claudio Mutti has done remarkably well and has attained a very elevated degree of scientific precision.

To bypass the impediment of Yalta, Thiriart believed that we needed seek allies across the Mediterranean and in the East of the vast Soviet territorial mass: thus the attempt to dialogue with the Nasserist Arab nationalists and the Chinese of Chou Enlai. The Arab attempt rested on a precise Mediterranean vision, not understood by the Belgian militants and very well comprehended, on the contrary, by his Italian disciples: according to Thiriart this internal sea must be freed from all foreign tutelage. He reproached the various forms of nationalism in Belgium for not understanding the Mediterranean stakes, these forms turned more towards Germany or the Netherlands, England or the Scandinavian countries, an obligatory “Nordic” tropism. His reasoning about the Mediterranean resembled that of Victor Barthélémy, an adviser of Doriot and also a former communist, a reasoning shared by Mussolini as mentioned in his memoirs. Thiriart very probably derived his vision of Mediterranean geopolitics from a feeling of bitterness following the eviction of England and France from the Mediterranean space after the Suez affair in 1956 and the war in Algeria.

According to Thiriart, the Europeans shared a common Mediterranean destiny with the Arabs that could not be obliterated by the Americans and their Zionist pawns. Even if the French, the English, and the Italians had been chased from the Arabophone North African shore, the new independent Arab states could not renounce this Mediterranean destiny they shared with non-Muslim Europeans, massed on the Northern shore. For Thiriart, the waters of the Great Blue sea unite, not separate. From this fact, we must favor a policy of convergence between the two civilizational spaces, for the defense of the Mediterranean against the element foreign to this space, interfering there, constituted by the American fleet commanded from Naples.

The idea of allying with the Chinese against the Soviet Union aimed to force the Soviet Union to let go of its ballast in Europe in order to confront the Chinese masses on the Amur River front. The dual project of wagering on the Nasserist Arabs and the Chinese marked the last years of Thiriart’s political activity. The 1970s were, for him, years of silence or rather years where he immersed himself in the defense of his professional niche, namely optometry. When he returned to the fight at the start of the 1980s, he was nearly forgotten by the youngest and eclipsed by other political and metapolitical lines of thought; moreover the given facts had considerably changed: the Americans had allied with the Chinese in 1972 and, since then, the latter no longer constituted an ally. Like others, in their own corners and independently of each other, such as Guido Giannettini and Jean Parvulesco, he elaborated a Euro-Soviet or Euro-Russian project that the Yeltsin regime didn’t allow to come to fruition. In 1992 he visited Moscow, met Alexander Dugin and the “red-browns,” but unexpectedly died in November of the same year.

What we must retain from Thiriart is the idea of a cadre school formed on principles derived from pure political philosophy and geopolitics. We must also retain the idea of Europe as a singular geostrategic and military space. It’s the lesson of the Second World War: Westphalia defended itself on the beaches of Normandy, Bavaria on the Côte d’Azur and along the Rhône, Berlin at Kursk. Engines allowed for the considerable narrowing of the strategic space just as they allowed for the Blitzkrieg of 1940: with horse-drawn carts, no army could take Paris from Lorraine or Brabant. The failures of Philip II after the battle of Saint-Quentin prove it, Götz von Berlichingen never went past Saint-Dizier, the Prussians and Austrians never went past Valmy, and the armies of the Kaiser were stopped on the Marne. One exception: the entrance of the allies into Paris after the defeat of Napoleon at Leipzig. The United States is henceforth the sole superpower, even if the development of new arms and imperial hypertrophy, that it imposed on itself through unthinking immoderation, slowly break down this colossal military power, recently defied by the new capabilities of Russian or perhaps Chinese missiles. European independence happens through a sort of vast front of refusal, through the participation of synergies outside of what Washington desires, as Armin Mohler also wanted. This refusal will slowly but surely erode the supremacist policy of the Americans and finally make the world “multipolar.” As Thiriart, but also Armin Mohler, doubtlessly wanted, and, following them, Alexander Dugin, Leonid Savin, and yours truly want, multipolarity is the objective to aim for.

Three German author seem to have left their mark on you particularly: Ernst Jünger, Carl Schmitt and Günter Maschke. What do you retain from their thought?

Actually, you ask me to write a book… I admire the political writings of the young Jünger, composed in the middle of the turmoil of the 1920s just as I also admire his travel narratives, his seemingly banal observations which have made some Jüngerians, exegetes of his work, say that he was an “Augenmensch,” literally a “man of the eyes,” a man who surveys the world of nature and forms (cultural, architectural) through his gaze, through a penetrating gaze that reaches far beyond the surface of apparent things and perceives the rules and the rhythms of their internal nature.

Very soon I will release a voluminous but certainly not exhaustive work on Carl Schmitt. Here I want to remind people that Carl Schmitt wrote his first relevant texts at the age of sixteen and laid down his last fundamental text onto paper at 91. So we have a massive body of work that extends over three quarters of a century. Carl Schmitt is the theorist of many things but we essentially retain from him the idea of decision and the idea of the “great space.” My work, published by éditions du Lore, will show the Schmitt’s relation to Spain, the very particular nature of his Roman Catholicism in the context of debates that animated German Catholicism, his stance in favor of Land against Sea, etc.

Speaking about Günter Maschke interests me more in the framework of the present interview. I met Günter Maschke at the Frankfurt Book Fair in 1984, then during a small colloquium organized in Cologne by high schoolers and students under the banner of the Gesamtdeutscher Studentenverband, an association that intended to oversee the student organizations which, at the time, were working towards the reunification of the country. Maschke was a thundering and petulant former leader of the activist years of 1967 and 1968 in Vienna, from which he would be expelled for street violence. In order to escape prison in West Germany, because he was a deserter, he successfully defected, via the French collective, “Socialisme ou Barbarie,” first to Paris, then Cuba. He then settled in the insular Castroist Carribean republic and met Castro there, who gave him a tour of the island in order to show him “his” sugar cane fields and all “his” agricultural property. Maschke, who can’t hold his tongue, retorted to him, “But you are the greatest latifundist in Latin America!” Vexed, the supreme leader didn’t renew his right of asylum and Maschke found himself back at the beginning, that is to say in a West German prison for thirteen months, the span of the military service he refused, as demanded by the law. In prison, he discovered Carl Schmitt and his Spanish disciple Donoso Cortès, and in the cramped space of his cell, he found his road to Damascus.

Many activists from 67-68 in Germany henceforth turned their backs on the ideologies they professed or utilized (without really believing in them too much) in their youth years: Rudi Dutschke was basically a anti-American Lutheran nationalist; his brothers gave interviews to the Berlin new conservative magazine Junge Freiheit and not usual leftist press, which repeats the slogans of yesterday without realizing that it has fallen into anachronism and ridicule; Frank Böckelmann, who was presented to me by Maschke during a Book Fair, came from German Situationism and never hesitated to castigate his former comrades whose anti-patriotism, he said, was the mark of a “craving for limits,” of a will to limit themselves and mutilate themselves politically, to practice ethno-masochism. Klaus Rainer Röhl, a nonagenarian today, was the spouse of Ulrike Meinhof, who sunk into terrorism with Baader. Röhl too became closer to the nationalists while the articles of Ulrike Meinhof in her magazine konkret would trigger the first fights in Berline during the arrival of the Shah of Iran.

Uli Edel’s film devoted to the “Baader Meinhof Gang” (2008) also shows the gradual slide of the terrorist “complex” in West Germany, which arose from an idealistic and unreasoning, uninhibited, and hysteric anti-imperialism, but often correct in some of its analyses, to pass into an even more radical terrorism but ultimately in the service of American imperialism: in his film, Edel shows the stakes very clearly, notably when Baader, already arrested and sentenced, speaks with the chief of police services and explains to him that the second generation of terrorists no longer obeys the same guidelines, especially not his. The second generation of terrorists, while Meinhof, Baader and Ensslin (Maschke’s sister in law!) were imprisoned and had not yet committed suicide, assassinated statesmen or economic decision makers who correctly wanted to pursue policies in contradiction with the desires of the United States and free West Germany from the cumbersome tutelage that Washington imposed on it. This shift also explains the attitude taken by Horst Mahler, Baader’s lawyer and partisan in armed struggle in his time. He would also pass to nationalism when he was released from prison, a nationalism strongly tinted with Lutheranism, and he would return to prison for “revisionism.” The last I heard, he was still languishing there.

At the start of the 1980s, Maschke was an editor in Cologne and notably published the works of Carl Schmitt (Land and Sea), Mircea Eliade, Pierre Drieu la Rochelle, Agnès Heller, and Régis Debray. Every year, in October when the famous Frankfurt Book Fair took place, Maschke, who thought I had the countenance of an imperturbable young reactionary, had Sigi, his unforgettable spouse who left us much too soon, set up a cot in the middle of his prestigious office, where the most beautiful flowers of his library were found. So every year, from 1985 to 2003, I frequented the “Maschke Salon,” where personalities as prestigious as the Catholic and conservative writer Martin Mosebach or the Greek political philosopher Panajotis Kondylis, the ex-Situationist Franck Böckelmann,or the Swiss polemicist Jean-Jacques Langendorf dropped by. These soirees were, I must admit, pretty boozy; we sang and performed poems (Maschke likes those by Gottfried Benn), the fun was de rigeur and the ears of a good number of fools and pretentious people must have rung as they were lampooned. I inherited a frank manner of talking from Maschke, who often reproached me, and he helped consolidate my mocking Bruxellois verve, which I owe to my uncle Joseph, my mother’s very sarcastic brother.

I can’t finish this segment without recalling the fortuitous meeting between Maschke and Joschka Fischer, the year where the latter had become a minister in the Land of Hesse, the first step that would lead him to become the German minister of foreign affairs who made his country participate in the war against Serbia. Fischer strolled down the long hallways of the Book Fair. Maschke came up to him and patted his stomach, very plump, saying to everyone: “Well, comrade Fischer, fattening up to become minister.” Next followed a torrent of acerbic words poured out on the little Fischer who looked at his sneakers (his trademark at the time, in order to look “cool”) and stammered apologies that he wasn’t. Scolding him as if he was only a dirty brat, Maschke proved to him that his Schmittian neo-nationalism was in accord with the anti-imperialist tendencies of the 1967-68 years, while Fischer’s alignment was a shameful treason. The future would give him ample justification: Fischer, former violent Krawallo (hooligan) of Hessian leftism, became a vile servant of capitalist and American imperialism: the dithyrambic phrases that he pronounced these last weeks praising Chancellor Merkel only accentuate this bitter feeling of betrayal. These remarks are evidently valid for Daniel Cohn-Bendit, today a war monger on sale to Washington. Jean-François Kahn, in an interview very recently accorded to Revue des deux mondes, spoke of him as a former sixty-eighter turned neocon in the style of the East Side Trotskyites.

In his quest after his return from Cuba and his stay in a dreary Bavarian prison, Maschke, unlike Mahler or Dutschke’s family for example, evolved, with Schmitt and Donoso, towards a Baroque and joyous Catholicism, strongly tinted with Hispanicism and rejected the uptight, Protestant, and neo-Anabaptist violence that so clearly marked the German extra-parliamentary revolutionaries of the sixties. For him as for the director Edel, the Ensslin sisters, for example, were excessively marked by the rigorous and hyper-moralist education inherent to their Protestant familial milieu, which seemed insupportable after his stay in Cuba and his journeys to Spain. Also because Gudrun Ensslin fell into a morbid taste for an unbridled and promiscuous sexuality, resulting from a rejection of Protestant Puritanism as Edel’s film highlights. The Maschkian critique of the anti-Christianity of the (French) New Right is summarized by a few choice words, as is his habit: thus he repeats, “they are guys who read Nietzsche and Asterix simultaneously and then fabricated a system from this mixture.” For him, the anti-Christianity of Nietzsche was a hostility to the rigors of the Protestantism of the family of Prussian pastors from which the philosopher of Sils-Maria came, a mental attitude that is impossible to transpose in France, whose tradition is Catholic, Maschke doesn’t take the Jansenist tradition into account. These anecdotes show that any political attitude must fall back into a kind of Aristotlean realism.

You return to the contribution of the Celtic world to our continental civilization in your book “Pages celtiques.” What do we retain from the “Gaulish” in our European identity? You return to the Irish and the Scottish nationalist movement at length. What lessons should we draw from their long struggles?

In “Pages celtiques”, I wanted, essentially, to underline three things: firstly, the disappearance of all Celtic cultural and linguistic references is the result of the Romanization of the Gauls; this Romanization was apparently rapid within the elites but slower in the spheres of popular culture, where they resisted for five or six centuries. The vernacular culture retained the Celtic language until the arrival of the Germans, the Franks, who took over from the Romans. We can affirm that the popular religiosity retained the religiosity of “eternal peasants” (Mircea Eliade) and it remained more or less the religion whose rituals were practiced by the Celts. This religiosity of the soil remained intact under the Christian veneer, only the religion of the elites from the start. The dei loci, the gods of places, simply became saints or Madonnas, nestled in the trunks of oaks or placed at crossroads or near springs. The “de-Celticization,” the eradication of the religion of “eternal peasants,” occurred under the blows of modernity, with the generalization of television and … with Vatican II. What the French still have from the “Gaulish”, was put to sleep: it’s a fallow field awaiting a reawakening. Our essence, in Belgium, was deeply Germanized and Romanized, in the sense where the Eburons, the Aduatuques, and the Treviri were already partially Germanized in the time of Caesar or later when the Ingvaeonic Germanic tribes settled in the valley of the Meuse served Rome and rapidly Latinized.

Secondly the Celtic contribution is equally Christian in the sense where, at the end of the Merovingian era and at the start of the Pippinic / Carolingian era, Christian missions were not only guided by Rome, they were also Irish – Scottish with Saint Columban, who settled in Luxeuil-les-Bains, the formerly Gaulish, then Roman, thermal baths site. Lorraine, Alsace, Franche-Comté, Switzerland, Wurtemberg, Bavaria, Tyrol, and a part of Northern Italy received the Christian message not from the apostles who came from the Levant or missionaries mandated by Rome but from Irish – Scottish monks and ascetics who proclaimed a Christianity closer to the natural religiosity of the indigenous peoples, with some pantheist dimensions, while advocating the large scale copying of ancient, Greek and Latin manuscripts. The Christian, Celtic, and Greco-Latin syncretism that they offered us remains the foundation of our European culture and any attempt to remove or eradicate one of these elements would be a useless, even perverse, mutilation, that would deeply unbalance the foundations of our societies. The smug and foolish moralism, proper to the recent history of the Church and its desire to “third worldize,” also ruined all the seduction that the religion could exercise on the popular masses. Failing to take the vernacular (Celtic or otherwise) into account and ceasing to defend the heritage of the classical humanities (with the political philosophy of Aristotle) at any price has separated the masses from the intellectual and political elites of the Church. The parishes have lost their flocks: actually, what did they have to gain from hearing the moralizing sermons without depth repeated ad nauseum that the Church henceforth offers to them.

Thirdly, in the 18th century, the Irish, Scottish, and Welsh Enlightenment philosophers were certainly hostile to absolutism, calling for new forms of democracy, demanding popular participation in public affairs and calling for a respect of vernacular cultures by the elite. The enlightenment republicanism of the Irish, Scottish, and Welsh hostile to the English monarchy which subjected the Celtic peoples and Scottish people (a mixture of Celts, Norwegians, and free Anglo Saxons) to a veritable process of colonization, particularly cruel, but this hostility was accompanied by a very pious devotion to the cultural productions of the common people. In Ireland, this republicanism was not hostile to the homegrown and anti-establishment Catholicism of the Irish nor to the multiple remnants of pantheist paganism that was naturally and syncretically harbored in this Irish Catholicism. The representatives of this religiosity were not treated as “fanatics,” “superstitious,” or “brigands” by the Republican elites. They would not be vilified nor dragged to the guillotine or gallows.

The Celtic Enlightenment philosophers of the British Isles did not deny rootedness. On the contrary, they exalted it. Brittany, non-republican, was the victim, like the entire West, of a ferocious repression by the “infernal columns.” It largely adhered to the ancien régime, cultivating nostalgia, also because it had, in the era of the ancien régime, a “Parliament of Brittany,” that functioned in an optimal manner. The uncle of Charles De Gaulle, “Charles De Gaulle No. 1”, would be the head of a Celtic renaissance in Brittany in the 19th century, in the framework of a monarchist ideology. In the same era, the Irish independence activists struggled to obtain “Home Rule” (administrative autonomy). Among them, at the end of the 19th century, was Padraig Pearse, who created a mystic nationalism, combining anti-English Catholicism and Celtic mythology. He would pay for his unwavering commitment with his life: he would be shot following the Easter Rising of 1916. Likewise, the union leader James Connolly mixed syndicalist Marxism and the liberatory elements of Irish mythology. He would share the tragic fate of Pearse.

The leaders of the Irish independence movement offer to political observers of all stripes an original cocktail of nationalist labor unionism, mystic Celticism, and social Catholicism, where the ideology of human rights would be mobilized against the British not in an individualist sense, featuring, for reference, a man detached from any social bond with the past, thus a man who is modeled as a “nameless apostasy from reality.” On the contrary, from the start Irish Republican ideology reasons according a vision of man that fits into into a cultural, social, and bio-ethnic whole. All that must also be the object of legal protection with a corollary that any attack, anywhere in the world, on one of these ethnic-social-cultural ensembles is an attack on a fundamental human right, the right to belong to a culture. So the rights of man, for the Irish, are inseparable from the cultures that animate and feed human societies.

After the Second World War, the Welsh would take up the cause of the Bretons pursued by the Republic, which would be condemned by the International Court of Human Rights for crimes against Breton culture: this fact is quite evidently forgotten, because it was knowingly hidden. Today, notably following the peremptory tirades of the “nouveaux philosophes,” whose path begins around 1978 and continues today, forty years later (!), with the hysterical fulminations of Bernard-Henri Lévy, the Republic sees itself as the defender par excellence of human rights: it is henceforth piquant and amusing to recall that it was condemned on a charge brought by the Welsh and Irish for crimes against a vernacular culture of the Hexagon, and consequently any politically act that ultimately infringes the rights of a people’s culture, or denies it the mere right to exist and propagate, is equally a crime liable for an equivalent sentence. So there exist other possible interpretations and applications of human rights than those that automatically treat anyone who claims an identity rooted in physical belonging as backwards or potentially fascist. Thus human rights are perfectly compatible with the right to live in a rooted, specific, and inalienable culture that ultimately has a sacred value, on soil it has literally turned for centuries. Hervé Juvin, through an original and politically relevant interpretation of the ethnological and anthropological works of Claude Lévi-Strauss and Robert Jaulin, is the one who has shown us the way to follow today in order to leave behind this deleterious atmosphere, where we are called to swear an inextinguishable hatred towards what we are deep within ourselves, to rob ourselves of what’s deep in our hearts in order to wallow in the nihilism of consumerism and political correctness.

I partially owe this Celticism,both revolutionary and identitarian, to the German activist, sociologist, and ethnologist Henning Eichberg, theorist and defender of identities everyone in the world, who expressed an analogous Celticism in a militant and programmatic work, published at the start of the 1980s, at the same time Olier Mordrel published his “Mythe de l’Hexagone.” Elsewhere, my friend Siegfried Bublies would give the title Wir Selbst to his non-conformist, national-revolutionary magazine, the German translation of the Gaelic Sinn Fein (“We Ourselves”). Bublies was the editor of Eichberg’s polemical and political texts, who passed away, alas too soon, in April 2017.

In “Pages celtiques”, I also pay homage to Olier Mordrel, the Breton combatant, and define the notion of carnal fatherland, while castigating the ideologies that want to eradicate or criminalize it.

You’ve restarted Trans-European activities. How do you the judge the evolution of “identitarian”forces in Europe?

No, I’ve restarted nothing at all. I’m too old. We must leave it to the youth, who are doing very well according to the criteria and divides inherent to their generation, according to modes of communication that I haven’t mastered as well as they have, such as social networks, videos on YouTube, Instagram, Facebook, or others. The institutions challenging the ambient mismanagement are multiplying at a good pace because we are experiencing a consolidated conservative revolution in relation to what it was, lying fallow, twenty or thirty years ago. It’s true that the dominant powers have not kept their promises: from the Thirty Glorious Years, we’ve passed to the Thirty Piteous Year, according to the Swiss writer Alexandre Junod, who I knew as a child and has grown up so much … And he is still optimistic, this boy: if he wrote a book, he would have to mention the “Thirty Shitty Years.” As we’ve fallen very very low. It’s really the Kali Yuga, as the traditionalists who like to mediate on Hindu or Vedic texts say. I modestly put myself in the service of new initiatives. The identitarian forces today are diverse but the common denominators between these initiatives are multiplying, quite happily. We must work for convergences and synergies (as I’ve always said…). My editor Laurent Hocq has limited himself to announcing three international colloquiums in order to promote our books in Lille, Paris, and Rome. That’s all. For my part, I will limit myself to advise initiatives like the “Synergies européennes” summer universities, even if they are very theoretical, as they allow me to encounter and adapt fruitful strategies for the years to come.

Source: http://euro-synergies.hautetfort.com/archive/2018/05/08/monika-berchvok-s-entretient-avec-robert-steuckers.html

 

American Imperialism is an Enemy of Humanity – Richard Chartrand – Le Bonnet Des Patriotes – March 17th, 2018

30 Wednesday May 2018

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2018, American Imperialism is an Enemy of Humanity, Le Bonnet Des Patriotes, Richard Chartrand

American imperialism has been one of the greatest enemies of humanity for at least a century. It is the principal vector of ultraliberal globalization on the planetary scale that leads to the pillaging of resources from Third World countries by multinationals as well as the extreme exploitation that is inflicted on their working class in sweatshops. In close and firm alliance with international Zionism, American imperialism seeks to mercilessly subjugate the peoples who fight for their national independence and progressively destroy nations and cultures for the benefit of a world standardized and dominated by Anglo-Saxon civilization.

More recently this year the 11th anniversary of the September 11th attacks took place. Of course it was a tragedy that cost around 3,000 people their lives, without counting the wounded and we must sympathize with their fate. That said, the cortege of lamentations in the media in the service of the globalist oligarchy that followed these attacks is perfectly revolting and hypocritical. The official version of these events in far from being convincing and credible and can only sow doubt in our minds. It is quite legitimate to ask who profited from this crime. But as soon as people question the official version of the September 11th attacks, the fatherlandless and globalist defenders of the capitalist system raise their voices in a chorus to treat us as conspiracy theorists, anti-Semites, paranoiac minds, etc. Their will to intimidate is more than evident, as we risk sowing doubts in the population and thus undermining the immense and disproportionate power they exercise on people’s consciousnesses.

These moralizing spirits, who continually dwell on the same refrain of Islamist terrorism, become silent however before the acts of state terrorism perpetrated by the Western powers for over a century. The list is very long and we can start with the intensive Anglo-American bombings of Germany during the Second World War, which notably lead to the destruction of the city of Dresden. Hundreds of thousands of German civilians died for the goal of provoking the German government’s total capitulation. But of these were “collateral” victims and the Germans were on the “bad side” during this global conflict and represented “the supreme evil,” they deserved their fate! The German people were literally brought to their knees for the real or supposed crimes that the National Socialist regime was accused of, while the American, British, and Soviet allies perpetrated a panoply of crimes and had hands covered in blood. There was also the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, Suharto’s coup in Indonesia in 1965 and Pinochet’s coup in Chile in 1973, both financed and orchestrated by the CIA, the Vietnam War, the invasion of Panama in 1989 which caused the death of more than 3,000 people, etc. Closer to our time, there are the Israeli bombardments of the Palestinian territories and Lebanon, the invasion of Afghanistan, of Iraq, and of Libya last year. All these wars and imperialist attacks have caused a death toll infinitely higher than the September 11th attacks without exciting the indignation of the media controlled by the globalist oligarchy. Always the same double standard! The lives of American and Israeli civilians have more value than the lives of the inhabitants of countries whose leaders somehow oppose the hegemony of the American-Zionist empire, whether its the Palestinians, the Iraqis, the Libyans, the Syrians, etc.

Following the destruction of the World Trade Center towers, the Zionist American ruling elite played the sympathy card among global public opinion and used it to stir bellicose and militarist fever to the maximum in order to unleash war against Afghanistan, allegedly in order to flush out Osama Bin Laden and overturn the Taliban regime in the name of the “liberation of women.” Many American patriots instantly recognized the influence of the pro-Israel lobby in this push for war. There has been, and there still is, a real desire on the part of the neo-conservatives in the Bush administration, and now in the Obama administration, to reinforce the position of the Zionist state in the Middle East to the detriment of the Arab, Iranian, and other regimes who want to retain their national independence against the American-Zionist empire. The convergence of views between American imperialism and international Zionism has reached an extreme point and it alarms American patriots who wish that their government devoted itself to domestic problems rather than play planetary gendarme.

Immediately after the war in Afghanistan, the Zionist neo-conservatives launched the assault against the Ba’athist and socialist Iraq of Saddam Hussein under false pretexts which would precipitate this country into the greatest chaos and atrocious civil war. They even concluded alliances with the Islamists they pretended to combat! Saddam Hussein, despite all that one could criticize him for, was a secular, patriotic, and socialist leader and his government included women and Christians. The opposition movement to this war was extremely large with millions of people in the streets, including a demonstration of 200,000 people in the streets of Montréal in March 2003, one of the largest political demonstrations in the history of Québec and Canada! That but didn’t prevent the destruction of Iraqi sovereignty and the shameful pillage of this country’s natural resources by the globalist oligarchy. The war in Libya was conducted under the pretext of overthrowing a dictator, Muammar Gaddafi, and lead once again to chaos and the pillage of the natural resources that abounded in this country.

Yet there exist glimmers of hope which are far from negligible. Socialist Cuba still proudly resists the American desire to overthrow its government in order to restore the reign of exploiters and bandits and the Venezuela of Nicolas Maduro represents a thorn in the foot of the United States which has always considered Latin America as its hunting preserve. At this moment the Ba’athist and socialist Syria of Bashar Al-Assad has been at the center of current events for a year due to the civil war encouraged and supported by NATO with the goal of overthrowing his government and replacing it with a clique entirely devoted to and subject to American-Israeli hegemony in the Middle East. The existence of the Québec independence movement disturbs American imperialism, which sees it as a factor of destabilization in North America. In the 1970s, the Yankee oligarchy brandished the specter of a Cuba of the North if Québec separated. That’s what explains the constant desire of the Parti Québécois to reassure American investors about the consequences of Québec’s independence, but this concern is far from shared by all Québécois patriots, who instead see American imperialism as an adversary in their struggle for national and social emancipation. In short, there are many resistances facing the attacks and imperialist diktats of the New World Order and social nationalists have the duty to support them with the goal of promoting the fall of the globalized and countryless capitalism. This is how we can construct a political, economic, and social system based on social nationalism, the only alternative to globalist chaos and the progressive destruction of nations and national identities.

Source:http://www.lebonnetdespatriotes.net/lbdp/index.php/dossierslbdp/la-parole-a-nos-lecteurs/item/18503-limp%C3%A9rialisme-am%C3%A9ricain-est-un-ennemi-de-lhumanit%C3%A9

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